This study examines the gendering of public security politics in contemporary Cairo and the rise of "human security" para-statal rescue industries that have emerged with the collapse of the latest round of speculative urban development. Campaigns focus on three new categories of sexual outlaws: "perverse" populations of homeless boys, "predatory" sexual harassers that cruise depressed shopping boulevards, and "Russian" (actually Central Asian) immigrant women dancers and sex workers. These populations are seen as security threats circulating between downtown Cairo and Giza. And they haunt Cairo's new peripheral ghost towns - the ring of partially abandoned gated communities and villas that sucked up investment in the 1990s, but are now victims of the bursting speculative real-estate bubble. These ghost towns, and the trafficked sexualities associated with them, are represented as the "perverse" icons of globalization and its effect on landscape, gender, sexual and social norms. I analyze public campaigns to rescue or repress Egyptian citizens associated with these forms of sexualized threat to public security, religious-values security, and the "national security" of the nation's image. Research reveals how in a time of severe economic and political crisis, the incommensurabilities of new, experimental security doctrines reveal the emergence of new logics that articulate gendered notions of work, citizenship, and public space. I measure the collision and intersection of three governance logics (1) repressive, moralizing humanitarian-rescue logic, (2) a surprisingly resilient juridical personal rights logic, and (3) a revived anti-neoliberal, Nasserist, nationalistic workers' "rights to the city" logic. How these conflicting logics are contingently joined in the context of security and economic crises leads to surprising outcomes. For example, I look at how Egypt also ended up 'nationalizing' its sex workers (although without legalizing them). In the late 1990s, Egypt's government created a new set of laws governing private security companies meant to route out Russian crime organizations from the private policing economy. But the Cairo press and government continued to fret about the power and visibility of Russian women dancers and sex workers, widely referred to as "the Natasha Invasion." In 2003, an extraordinary series of laws were passed by the national legislature that in effect nationalized belly dancing (and by implication, sex work), saying that only Egyptian women perform for pay in Cairo's clubs. This alliance provisionally overwhelmed the 'morality politics' which typically dominates discussions of cultural security and sexual rights.