While studies of consumption in European and American fields now form a considerable, interconnected body of literature, similar research for Iran remains patchy. When it comes to Muhammad Reza Shah’s reign (1941-1979), consumerism is usually subsumed within a larger project about why the Iranian Revolution occurred, creating – as prominent Iranian social critic Jalal Al-e Ahmad did – a monolithic story of cultural and economic imperialism and crass imitation. In such narrations, consumerism often becomes synonymous with Westoxification, and while that discourse and experience is important, it is not the only way we should read the growth of a consumer culture post-World War II. This paper takes a decolonial approach to re-think the contours and development of consumerism in Iran, focusing on the role of the American Point IV Program. This and other development programs accelerated the expansion of a certain form of capitalist consumption, while also altering – sometimes coercively – existing habits and attitudes of consumption. My research builds on Pamela Karimi’s recent pioneering work (2013) on domesticity and consumer culture in Iran. In addition to using the under-utilized Point IV archives for Iran and original oral history interviews, I theoretically expand Karimi’s examination of American influence on the Iranian domestic scene by introducing Lauren Berlant’s concept of intimate publics. An intimate public is one in which there is “an expectation that the consumers of its particular stuff already share a worldview and emotional knowledge that they have derived from a broadly common historical experience.” I argue that the Point IV Program served as one important way to generate an intimate, transnational consumer public in Iran, such as by introducing similar commercial goods like refrigerated ice and ideas and methods of homemaking. To combat underdevelopment, Point IV workers and affiliates tried to inculcate certain modes of consuming in Iranians and sought to reorganize their actions and domestic spaces around the new appliances and goods that a “developed” – that is, capitalist – economy would both bring and require to sustain itself. Dining rooms needed to be redone to fit chairs and tables, vacuums purchased to generate hygienic homes for the family, and clothes altered conform to the proper housewife and working husband image. This was not a purely externally imposed process. Internal factors as well, such as urbanization, previous historical connections, local adaptation and resistance, and state efforts, along with the impact of WWII, all aided and shaped it.