It’s been five years since Tunisia’s 2011 “Jasmine Revolution” inspired region-wide revolutions and uprisings against authoritarianism. Many of the causal factors behind the Jasmine Revolution pertain to the country’s socioeconomic health and status. Under Zain-ul Abideen Ben Ali, Tunisia suffered terribly from high unemployment, a corresponding youth bulge, high rates of university graduates who faced joblessness and economic stagnation, gross corruption that penetrated all levels of society, and deficiencies in rule of law. In other words, if you were a young Tunisian and a university graduate, you were not likely to find a job, marry and start a family, and in practically every economic sector you faced no recourse from corruption. If you complained, you faced threats of imprisonment, torture, and no means of protection. Since the revolution, the Tunisian people have been determined to overhaul the political, judicial, and economic systems. This analysis focuses on the Tunisian economy and assesses its strengths and weaknesses five years following the revolution. The study examines the Tunisian economy’s indicators, development and progress, trade relations, employment rates, and other relevant indicators that measure economic health. Comparisons are made between the pre- and post-revolution economies. Threats that terrorism poses to Tunisia’s tourism industry are also explored. Amartya Sen’s “Social Choice Theory” is applied as the theoretical framework in this study. The theory posits that, without freedoms and rights for individuals to make personal choices, an economy will not develop and progress adequately. Conclusions about Tunisia’s economic outlook for the near and distant future are presented. Implications of the post-revolution Tunisian economy for the region, as well as for Tunisia’s European trade partners, are also presented. Particular focus on the post-revolution status of corruption in Tunisia is presented, since corruption has been one of the principal causal factors behind the revolution. Finally, linkages are identified between Tunisia’s political and economic health and development, which also encompass rule of law issues, such as human rights, freedoms, transparency, and due process. All of these variables are interconnected, and account for the causal factors of the revolution. Hence, it is crucial to approach a study of Tunisia’s economy from Political Economy levels of analysis. Clearly, if Tunisia’s post-revolution economic health and status have not improved, and have failed to eliminate corruption, reduce high rates of unemployment, and implement rule of law effectively and fairly, then Tunisia will only go back to square one.