There is a widespread perception in Egypt that marriage is far more costly today than it was in the past. Rationalist accounts would predict that over time, the material prerequisites for family formation will be moderated to accommodate existing economic constraints. Still, marriage expenses have continued to rise in spite of increased wage stagnation and job instability (Singerman & Ibrahim 2003). Using qualitative data gathered in the course of 60 in-depth interviews with engaged youth in two field sites, I investigate the cultural scaffolding that props up the institution of matrimonial transactions in spite of the tremendous financial difficulties they impose. First, I contend that material exchanges of jewelry, cash and furniture all play a role as signifiers of class status during the critical period of courtship. I describe the conspicuous consumption (Veblen 1934) practices that that accompany Egyptian unions. Rings or gifts of gold (shabka) are often circulated and admired by guests during engagement parties, and loud processions accompany the moving of all the goods acquired by the bride from her family's home to the groom's. Since these acts of consumption define the position of the natal and marital households of couples vis-v-vis other households, I posit that matrimonial transactions are an important element of status maintenance and the intergenerational transmission of socioeconomic status. I also argue that adherence to customs of who purchases what, how, and when marks social boundaries of class and community. Elaborate social rules govern the giving of gifts and other goods, and in my interviews with young people I find that knowledge and enactment of these rules are used as indicators of how good of a match a partner is. Second, I posit that matrimonial gifts and assets, which are themselves highly gendered, play an important role in the construction of gender ideology. It is no accident that young women accumulate household goods such as linens, rugs and small kitchen appliances, whereas young men display their readiness for the assumption of family duties by providing material support (in the form of gifts or small allowances) to their fiancfes. Matrimonial transactions help demonstrate conformity with normative ideals of manhood and womanhood, thus 'performing gender' (West and Zimmerman 1987). In conclusion, I argue that rationalist accounts ignore the symbolic work matrimonial transactions do, symbolic work that is too important for the actors involved to circumvent.