Much research on gender in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region uses “gender” as code for “women” (Inhorn 2014), with some recent exceptions examining the construction of masculinity (Inhorn & Naguib 2018; Ghannam 2013; Ouzgane 2006). While these studies show how men and women are active participants in and influence both public and private spheres (Meneley 1996), only a handful of studies exists examining MENA men in private spaces “doing” domesticity. Research exists examining masculinities at home elsewhere (Meah & Jackson 2013; Swenson 2009), but MENA masculinity studies is limited in comparison to masculinity studies worldwide (Inhorn 2014). This research builds on hegemonic masculinities (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005) to examine multiple masculinities (Sobal 2005) shaped by particular social and historical contexts (Ouzgane 2006), the positionality and subjectivities of individuals. Though extensive literature exists on Moroccan women in the public sphere (Ennaji 2016; Cairoli 2011; Newcomb 2009; Ennaji & Sadiqi 2008; Gray 2006 & 2001; Kapchan 1996; Mernissi 1975), simultaneously less research explores the ways in which men “do domesticity.” This paper will examine the ways urban Moroccan middle-class men interact within the private spheres of life, why they do so and what this means for gender roles in Morocco. For some urban middle-class Moroccan men, being a good father means taking an active role in his children’s lives and taking care of them with the help of his wife. This is not true for all urban middle-class men but most said that they were more willing to help with cooking, cleaning and childcare than their father had been: showing a generational shift. Additionally, the vast majority of participants said that doing housework does not lower the level of a man’s masculinity. Despite this, every Moroccan woman that I talked to does the vast majority of reproductive labor around the house. This paper will explore the dynamic nature of Moroccan masculinity across the life cycle: from early marriage, to being a father, and being retired. I place urban Moroccan middle-class masculinities in context with Moroccan femininities and highlight both male and female voices. These findings are based on 17 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Rabat, Morocco including 57 semi-structured interviews and extensive participant observation.