Women and land Grab in Morocco In March 2009 hundreds of women, sulaliyyat, stood in front of the Parliament in Rabat. They were staging the first nationwide-grassroots mobilization for land rights led by rural women. The sulaliyyat is a newly invented concept through which rural women stress the collective status of land while delineating ethnic belonging and tribal membership as foundations for their right to land. The sulaliyyat mobilization begun in 2007 when women from the Heddada tribe, surrounding the city of Kenitra, questioned their exclusion from the economic transactions taking place on their ‘ancestral’ land. As the process of privatization and land grab intensifies across Morocco, thousands of women have started to ask the same question across the Arabic and Amazigh speaking regions. They express shared concerns about the structures of gender inequalities that shape the liberalization of rural economies, and grapple with the nexus of colonial law and customary practices that put men at the center of economic transactions while excluding women. They point to the exclusive pathways of circulation of money and capital between tribal elites, state agents and investors, and speak about the ‘settler colonial’ nature of big farming and real estate development. I locate the sulaliyyat’s mobilization at the nexus of gendered ethnicities, privatized subjectivities, and postcolonial legal regimes of land tenure. I focus on two main questions: 1) what do we learn about neoliberal transitions of rural communities by exploring the sulaliyyat’s narratives about land, rights, and state? 2) As the sulaliyyat struggle to redefine collective land as a woman’s territory, do they provide alternatives to its disintegration or legitimate the ongoing process of its privatization? I propose that the sulaliyyat’s sustained mobilization and appropriation of the discourse of gender equality and rights are shaking the deep-seated structures of power and authority in the countryside. It has made highly visible the bureaucratic process through which land has become the new locus for political engineering and for generating profit and dispossession. The women’s claims to equal rights with men, has also put gender at the center of the state negotiations of neoliberal transformations with rural communities and elites. However, in this paper I will read this mobilization less than a celebration of women’s agency and power, than an illustration of the changing subjectivities of rural women, as the new subjects of rights, as ownership.