This paper offers a new narrative of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and the formation of an Iranian nation by analyzing the experience of early elections in two marginalized cities- one border city, Kermanshah, with a primarily Kurdish population and a considerable number of Sunnis, and one interior city, Kashan, with a primarily Persian and Shi’a population. The mainstream literature on the Constitutional Revolution and the post-Constitutional electoral politics either ignores the experience of less politically active cities during the Revolution or often characterize them as cities not “ready” for the coming of a democratic institution like elections, thus it identifies “local competitions” as a barrier to the “appropriate” conduct of elections. However, I argue these elections and the subsequent “local competitions” were effective tools for the formation and reinforcement of different local identities, such as guild-based, city-based, religious and ethnic identities, during a period in which the discourse of nationalism is assumed to be dominant. In other words, the elections enabled different groups of people to offer their own narratives of citizenship by pointing to their experience as less-privileged people in their electoral complaint letters. The author of these letters showed how their electoral dissatisfaction is connected to a much broader range of social inequalities and discontents, while they used a nationalist language. For instance, tanners of Kashan, who were illegally prevented from voting, objected their exclusion by writing to majles: “They did not give us any ballots, as if we were not people of Iran [ra’yat-e Iran].” Natanzis were also dissatisfied with losing their central role to Kashan due to the electoral law, and they characterized it as the “abolition” of their “independence” which, as they wrote, implied that they “were not part of the Iranian nation [Mellat-e Iran].” It was also an indication of the persistence of injustice and inequalities, despite the promises of the Constitutional Revolution and Natanzis’ efforts in it: “We do the labour and working, but knowledge and schools are for the others.” Considering the different socio-political circumstances in Kashan and Kermanshah, I compare the experience of these cities, and the different groups of people within them, during the elections to the second (1909-1911) and third (1914-1915) parliament. This research is primarily based on three sets of published as well as unpublished letters from Kashan and Kermanshah, along with the responses of the parliament and other national institutions to these letters (around 120 letters).