In the two and a half years of Egypt’s brief revolutionary moment (2011-2013), the country’s oldest social movement organization experienced the most extreme swings in fortunes than at any other time in its 85-year history. From outlawed—but tolerated—opposition under the Mubarak regime, it quickly maneuvered in the emerging post-authoritarian political order to become the ruling party, winning a majority in parliament, electing its candidate as Egypt’s first democratically elected president, and seeing through the passage of a new constitution. By late summer 2013, however, not only had the Muslim Brotherhood lost all of its recent gains, but the organization was entering a period of unprecedented state repression that many have argued far exceeds that to which it was subjected during the Nasser era. With its leaders imprisoned, its members violently pursued and scattered, and its institutions all but destroyed, by 2014 the Muslim Brotherhood found itself at one of the lowest points in its history. This paper explores the possible avenues for the resumption of the organization’s mission within a unique and unprecedented social and political climate. Methodologically, I will contrast recent statements and official positions of the organization’s leadership with the group’s historical ideological development as represented by older movement literature. The ensuing analysis can more effectively address the intellectual and ideological challenges facing the Brotherhood’s contemporary leadership in rearticulating the group’s traditional activist mission even as it struggles for its very survival. The paper begins with an examination of the wider social context emerging out of the July 2013 coup and the military’s attempt to solidify a new political order. It then proceeds to examine how the Muslim Brotherhood’s historical experiences have impacted its intellectual development and its ability to maintain a significant presence within Egyptian society in the face of consistent efforts to constrain it. The paper concludes by examining the critical question: What possible paths might Muslim Brotherhood activists attempt to chart in their attempt to survive the latest round of repression? The path(s) chosen – ranging from the production of new modes of militant resistance akin to those of the 1970s to the development of a broad, all-inclusive mission that discards the Brotherhood’s traditional strict organizational structure in favor of a “cosmopolitan Islamism” – will directly impact whether the Muslim Brotherhood can forge new conceptual forms around which to rally its supporters and maintain its presence as a viable Islamic alternative in a new and uncertain era.