Abstract
How do Iranian Shi'a practitioners experience transition toward the status of a double minority in the diaspora? Back home, not only they belong to the majority population, but also, the dominant state discourse is in their favour. But in Canada, they are not only a religious minority in the host society, but they also constitute a relatively small portion of the Muslim community and a small segment of their own national community as well. This study investigates how this transition affects the dynamic of this group. Does the minority status draw them together to collaborate in order to protect their religiosity? Or, on the contrary, does being far from the state regulation of religion give them suitable ground to demonstrate various forms of practicing their faith?
With a comparative approach and through eight months of fieldwork in 2016, I studied four active Iranian Shia organizations in Montreal. While activities of these organizations overlap and seem similar in most cases, they are deeply divided on religious interpretation, political orientation, and immigration trajectory. To show how these factors all together forge distinctive approaches, this study sheds light on their interaction with their own national community, other ethnic Shi'a communities, other Muslim communities, host society and finally their country of origin. Two organizations that represent Shi'a clergy (Al-Khoie and Al-Shirazi) share a similar strategy to interact with the host society and other ethnoreligious groups, however, their political views separate them drastically. Two other institutions (Noor and Touhid) which represent a post-revolutionary interpretation of Islam bring national identity into play significantly. Consequently, their connection with other ethnoreligious groups is limited while they are successful in making links with other Iranian cultural clubs in Montreal. What distinguishes these two institutions is their immigration trajectory, relation with origin country and perspective of living in the West.
Finally, I conclude these institutions reflect four distinctive perceptions of living as a diasporic Iranian-Shi'a in the West which has roots in the religious scene of Iran. I hypothesize that the Iranian Shi'a community in Montreal could be a miniature model to reveal the complexity of today Iranian religious life.
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