The article aims to critically analyze the South-South cooperation for the reconstruction of Syria. To do so, it focuses on the case study of Brazil and its national aid agency operations during the period of 2016 and 2018. The article is based on field research conducted in Damascus and Aleppo and interviews with government agents in Brazil and Syria . Since political dynamics prevent the participation of traditional donors from the Global North in the reconstruction process of Syria, the analysis of alternative actors are particularly relevant. In this sense, cooperation with countries of the Global South promotes reflections on two parallel points: whether there are different cooperation mechanisms coming from these peripheral countries and if the overall structural repercussions of such programs can also be classified as distinct. The relationship of Brasilia and the Middle East has historically been long, with a significant flow of Syrians and Lebanese migrating to South America since the 19th century. Presently, eight million descendants of Syrian Lebanese migrants, who are widely dispersed throughout the country and represent one of the most politically and economically successful ethnic groups or immigrant communities. In the diplomatic sphere, Brazil has established a bold diplomatic record of linking anti-racist and anti-colonial activism with expressions of solidarity with the Middle East, specifically in 1970s debates on Zionism, and in the United Nations World Conference against Racism in 2001. Brazilian diplomats have mediated East Timor peace diplomacy, achieving success in negotiations with the world’s largest Muslim country, Indonesia. And Brazilian peacemaker Sérgio Vieira de Mello died at the helm of the UN Humanitarian Mission in Iraq. Specifically to the Syrian crisis, the Brazilian government has always described it has an internal issue, emphasizing that international interventions could be perceived as violations of the principles of self-governance. The narrative of absolute respect for Syrian sovereignty meant that the Brazilian Embassy remained open throughout the conflict, including recurring visits from high political figures such as former presidents. The Brazilian case raises relevant discussions on South-South cooperation for the reconstruction of Syria. There are still few exhaustive studies on the consequences of apolitical aid narratives, reinforced by Brazil and BRICS in general. It is also important to reinforce the need for countries that present their aid in technical terms to be aware that their efforts can be reallocated to reconfigure the urban landscape and power dynamics.