A key feature of recent complex transformations in the Arab World is the reversal in popular perceptions of political agency and participation which is manifest, in its most dramatic forms, in collective public acts of disruptive politics, and, in its most expressive forms, in the plethora of individual and collective voices engaged in creative telling and witnessing and in constructing alternative modes of being what Ariella Azoulay terms “citizens in practice.” Different aspects and meanings of these voices as well as the ideologies or interests they represent have been discussed in the burgeoning literature on the Arab uprisings. However, little attention has been paid to the mediated narratives these voices tell or to the ways in which these narratives invite affective and experienced co-identifications with real lived socio-political situations and ways of knowing that can propel activism, and, as such, help explain how or why people who are not formally organized in political parties or social movements move from cultures of political disengagement to cultures of political agency and public dissent. This paper argues that paying attention to the role of narratives in mobilization, particularly in the absence of formal political parties, is particularly relevant in addressing the diverse and multiple emerging voices and their role in Syria where a popular uprising that began in March 2011 against the regime of Bashar al-Assad has turned into a brutal and bloody sectarian conflict. The paper draws on debates in social movement theory and activism as well as on an analysis of a select number of narrative practices made visible and circulated on a number of Syrian “protest websites” created by activists and ordinary people to contest and negotiate power. These practices, understood following Foucault as “knowing” practices that come out of particular historical formations offer, I argue, make disorder visible and offer alternative understandings and different readings of the nation. The focus on narrative practices in digital media platforms is not intended to privilege social or new media over other spaces where narratives are told, mediated, enacted and circulated. Rather, it is intended to underline the fact that it is in these new media platforms, particularly YouTube and Facebook, that Syrian activists and ordinary citizens are making public aesthetic and narrative aspects of what George Marcus has called the “activist imagery” and in which contestations over the shifting story of the Syrian nation are played out most visibly.