Turkey has been in search for a new constitution since 2007 but failed to build a consensus in late 2013. This failure, however, does not mean that the reasons for the need for a new constitution are not existent any more. To the contrary, there are (1) Issues stemming from demands regarding recognition of identity and difference; (2) other problems emanating from the problem-creating organization of the government, i.e. the contradictions between a basically parliamentary form of government with a relatively strong presidency elected by direct popular vote; and (3) the requisites of EU membership. Having said this, the paper will dwell upon the relationship between the first and the third. There is a strong connection between the issues of recognition stemming from current constitutional definition of the Turkishness in accordance with "Atatürkist nationalism" and the requisites of EU membership. The paper argues that the constitution-making process has been one of learning and correcting past mistakes. Correction, however, requires a redefinition of political identity, which in turn requires a radical change in the conception of "us and them" upon which the constitutional order is to be built. Turkey, in other words, has to redefine the political identity to include previously excluded and oppressed identity groups like Kurds, Alevis, and "non-muslims", including a critical assessment of the early 20th century history. This redefinition of political identity, on the other hand, will aid Turkey in meeting the political standards of EU membership. Since membership in the EU as a "supranational" entity entails a transformation of the concept of national sovereignty. Be as it may, however, Turkey is now torn apart between Kemalist/Atatürkist nationalists on the one hand and Islamists on the other; creating an “impasse” of “nationalist” polarization in the political public sphere. That is to say that Turkey has been divided between Islamist-nationalism (AKP) and Kemalist-nationalism (CHP/MHP), both of which are not conducive for resolving the Kurdish question on multiculturalist democratic grounds. The paper, thus, is a critical examination of this situation of “nationalist impasse” and tries to evaluate the key role of the Kurdish political movement on the way to constructing a new democratic polity in Turkey.