The city of São Paulo has been governed by three men of Lebanese descent since the 1990s: Paulo Maluf, Fernando Haddad, and Gilberto Kassab. The former president Michel Temer is a descendant of Lebanese migrants as well. These examples are evidence of the prominent role occupied by Lebanese migrants and their descendants in Brazil. Nearly 6% of all Brazilian lawmakers during the 2015-2019 term claimed Lebanese descent. This phenomenon––which has parallels with other Latin American countries, among them El Salvador and Ecuador––is particularly surprising given that Lebanese migrants form a smaller percentage of the Brazilian population. This paper makes sense of that apparent over-representation. Drawing on oral history testimonies, diplomatic cables, and secondary literature, it starts by analyzing the history of the political participation of Lebanese migrants and their descendants, arguing that the explanation combines four factors. First, Lebanese migrants were particularly engaged in the politics of their homeland even after settling in Brazil and managed to transfer their experience to local Brazilian politics. Secondly, political participation served as a means of social mobility, through which migrants continued earlier processes of enrichment in commerce and investment in education. Thirdly, Lebanese migrants encountered a favorable environment for pursuing public office in Brazil, as the strongman Getúlio Vargas excited the political participation of minorities during the 1930s as a way of counterbalancing the power of the traditional Brazilian elites. Fourthly, Lebanese migrants spread throughout Brazil, in part as a consequence of their commercial activities and peddling, and, as such, they could represent diverse constituencies. After this historical analysis, this paper presents a particular case study: the Grupo Parlamentar Brasil-Líbano, a caucus that congregates politicians of Lebanese descent. The case study analyzes the caucus’ list of members during the term that spanned from 2015 to 2019 in terms of their geographical origin and political affiliation. Initial findings show, for example, that these politicians are present throughout the Brazilian territory and occupy both the left and the right of the political spectrum—they are concentrated, nevertheless, in the Southeast and conservative parties. In this sense, this paper contributes to a still scant scholarship on the political participation of Arab migrants, particularly in the Latin American mahjar, where they achieved remarkable success.