Though it was not at the forefront of the pro-democracy movement, the Egyptian labor played a decisive role in bringing down the Mubarak regime in 2011. Obviously, the Egyptian Labor movement influenced the political scene before and during the uprising. On the other hand, the 2011 uprising itself or the new political context that emerged presented a "Political Opportunity" (Tarrow 1998) for new trade unions that capitalized on it and emerged therefore at lightning speed. Therefore, for the first time, debates emerged about the role of trade unions and their right to be formed and legalized. Moreover, labor leaders advanced the idea of the minimum wage which become quickly part of the political and economical debates. Nevertheless, the Egyptian labor/trade union movement appeared in the aftermath of the uprising, and contrary to its counterpart in Tunisia, as being unable to influence the political process in a way that reflects either its organizational or socio-economic interests. On one hand, it was not able to exert enough pressure on the regime to issue a law guaranteeing syndical freedoms. On the other hand, it was not capable (or not even willing) to push for the establishment of a genuine political debate about the economic system or reforms of the existing economic order that have to take place. Adopting the assumption that the reaction of the labor to the overall political change, and the latter’s effects on it are intimately connected to the degree that the first cannot be fully understood without analyzing the latter, we propose in this paper to shed light on, at least, three explanatory variables for the labor movement actions and outcomes in the course of the transformation Process that Egypt has passed through: (1) the Post colonial State-labor relation reflected by the Moral economy and the constraints it is putting on the later choices and modalities of actions, (2) the structural reasons which are constraining the labor movement ability to achieve its economic, organizational and political goals in the aftermath of the 2011 uprising, (3) the ambiguous relationship that the labor movement is keeping with the political organizations in general and the elites that were leading change in particular; and its impact on its capacity to influence the political process.