This paper examines the double phenomenon of state-sponsored transgender surgeries and neoliberal economic policies in the contemporary Islamic Republic of Iran. In recent years, Iran gender and sexuality scholarship has engaged the seemingly paradoxical phenomenon of state support for transgender surgeries along with criminalization of same-sex sexualities (Najmabadi, 2014; Shakerifar, 2011; Javaheri, 2010). Other approaches have utilized a human-rights perspective (Human Rights Watch, 2010), or more rarely, a critical medical approach (Sadjadi, 2013). But there has been little acknowledgement of the parallels between the state’s uneasy encouragement of limited “choice” in terms of gender and its concurrent efforts to dismantle the traditional model of centralized economic planning while maintaining less formal structures of market control. The neoliberal turn in Iran’s economic policy mirrors a similar strategy in its approach to sexuality: an effort to appease political and social claims for greater freedom and autonomy by channeling popular discontent away from productive action and into the narrow provisions consumer identity. My paper attempts to bring these parallel developments into relation, and is based on research into both Iranian transgender policy and the dynamics of local consumer behaviors. Compared to inevitably contentious localized relations of production (whether of material goods or personal identities), the commodity as a consumer good is extracted from the ambiguities of its origins and presented as a cleansed and finished entity. In Iran, the physiology of gender has been branded as cleanly “male” or “female,” leading to social expectations, encouraged by the state, that gender is a kind of individual modern consumer good that can be extracted from its social relations of production. As with the desire for transcendent satisfaction proffered by any branded commodity, the fantasy is rarely fulfilled. Yet gender dissonance, or resistance to the available categories of masculine and feminine (and the newly medicalized choice between them) is rejected as unproductive and costly. As the Iranian state takes steps to re-integrate with the global market, and Iranian society relinquishes its post-revolutionary utopian ideals, will the neoliberal project of individualized responsibility as a substitute for collective social bargains (patriarchal or otherwise) further entrench, or will alternative productions of resistance emerge?