Abstract
Though the coming to power of the Islamist An-Nahda party in the aftermath of the revolution in Tunisia and the PJD in elections in Morocco follow quite a different trajectory, women’s rights issues have been at the forefront of political discourse and national identity throughout the Maghreb. Hence, it is useful to examine the issues on which Islamist positions intersect across countries. By the same token, we explore the network of secular women’s rights groups across the region. Secular women’s rights groups have collaborated across borders for years whereas Islamists in those three countries have remained more isolated within their borders. Though generally discussions on women’s rights often focus on the Personal Status Code, this paper offers a broader discussion as to how to approach gender rights issues within this new political reality. This includes gay rights and rights of single mothers. As the Tunisian revolution was aptly named ‘karama’ or dignity revolution, the question imposes itself if Islamists will consider according ‘dignity’ to minority populations.
Apart from reiterating its support for the existing PSC, An-Nahda and the PJD have not formulated a coherent policy on women’s rights issues. In Morocco certainly the extra-parliamentary, yet largest Islamist movement, Al Adl wa Ihsane, contributes to public discourse on gender issues. Because Tunisia’s An-Nahda has operated underground - if at all - and its leaders were scattered across Europe or languished in jail, there could been no internal debate concerning their policies and stance on specific issues. This decade-long lack communication within the movement manifests itself today in the articulation of divergent positions. In Morocco, Adlistes still today operate outside the political system and divergent forces within the movement shape its gender discourse. In Algeria, women’s rights groups face a different set of challenges owing to the absence of genuine recent political reform.
The paper will look at emerging trends within three central Maghreb countries that try to bridge the gap between traditional Islamist and secular positions and develop a third way that at once is religiously and culturally authentic, yet takes into account global moves towards gender equality.
The paper is primarily based on personal interviews with leading Islamist and secular women’s rights activists and members of human rights organizations in three Maghreb countries.
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