The Justice and Development Party (JDP)’s 21 years in power have given rise to a vast body of literature on the Turkish political regime (Öniş 2015; Yılmaz, Turner 2019). The relationship between the State and the party is often designated as the central variable (Dorronsoro, Gourisse 2014) in Turkey’s “authoritarian turn” (Insel 2015), the JDP being described as a dominant party controlling public institutions and resources (Esen, Gümüşçü 2016). However, beyond the study of spectacular purges in the administration, nominations in strategic state agencies, or large-scale corruption (Jongerden 2019; Gümüşçü 2013), we still lack evidence on the way this state-party relationship operates on the ground. This communication builds on recent works on Turkish local policies and politics (Ark 2015; Doğan 2007; Joppien 2018). It focuses on women’s role as intermediaries between municipalities and local party branches. Based on an ethnographic fieldwork in Gaziantep, it shows how adopting a gender lens can help conceptualize ordinary forms of partisan influence over municipal practices. It analyzes two types of actors very often absent from the literature – and who might, in practice, be the same persons: JDP women’s branches’ activists and female municipal agents of local welfare provision. On the one hand, JDP activists in charge of electoral campaigns, door-to-door canvassing and home visits, often conceive their political activities as social work. By engaging in charitable activities, circulating information, or "doing favors" for constituents, they regularly encroach on the working of the state. On the other hand, municipal agents in the field of welfare provision – a majority of whom are women - are torn between conflicting imperatives: to embody a professional bureaucratic figure and to make the state accessible, flexible, and human. Some of them are affiliated directly or indirectly with the JDP: owing their positions to partisan networks, they tend to conceive their job as a part of a political mission. Overall, this paper shows how street-level bureaucrats and activists contribute to the circulation of people, repertoires and representations around welfare and gender. It proposes to leave aside the notion of clientelism to highlight the multiple forms of interpenetration between state and partisan logics. This communication draws on a nine-month fieldwork in Gaziantep, during which 90 interviews with women activists, employees, volunteers, and beneficiaries in the field of social action were conducted, as well as observations in local welfare institutions.