In the Middle Atlas Mountains of Morocco, rural families have, until recently, generally worked together in agropastoralist production, pooling material and monetary profits. Since the 1980s, however, and, more dramatically since 2008 agricultural reforms, fewer families are able to survive on small production alone, and individuals increasingly rely on income waged work or remittances from individual family members. The intensification of rural agriculture has also led to a feminization of many agricultural jobs, bringing many women into low-paid waged work (Salhi 2016), and families that once lived in extended family structures are increasingly likely to be spread over multiple households. Though young wives (it is often decried) increasingly demand ‘their own’ house outside of patriarchal household models, the resulting rural households are not always nuclear, as children pursue schooling in higher numbers and young adults seek waged labor in rural centers outside of family production (de Haas 2009). This paper examines the incorporation of increasingly individualized monies into both household and family pools. As patterns of both household habitation and individual earning shift, it considers how individuals with different standing within them navigate extant norms of pooling and obligation, and use demands for (labor or material) contributions to demarcate and delineate membership in a given household or family. If cash-poor rural Moroccans have long relied on friends and family members for petty loans, labor assistance, or material support, and (Rignall 2021, Elyachar 2010), how does increasing monetary access for those discursively placed as dependents enable them to participate differently in these kinds of networks, or to seek a larger role in governing the pooled resources of the family by virtue of increased contributions? Looking particularly to the shifting economic role of adult daughters vis-à-vis their natal families, this paper also examines relative demands of labor and material / monetary contributions based on both status within the family (e.g. as an unmarried son), and individualized access to income or need. It considers individuals’ attempts to govern ‘their own’ income, sequestering earnings from collective pooling, using a variety of material and discursive techniques. In so doing, it examines tensions between inheriting and ‘earning’ economic roles in governing familial and household wealth, navigating ‘disjunctive value registers’ (Guyer 2004) in a rapidly changing political economy.