Abstract
Protests that erupted in mid-December 2018 against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, have thrust the perennial questions of national identity back to the forefront of politics in Sudan. The protests, which began as an outcry against the crippling price of bread, lack of fuel and staggering inflation that left ATM machines without cash to dispense, quickly shifted into the demand “tasqut bas!” (be toppled, enough!). Sudanese young people from diverse ethnic, tribal and religious groups came together at pre-determined times for demonstrations and sit-ins in dozens of cities and towns across Sudan. Their camaraderie and solidarity tested the country’s traditional Afro-Arab fault-line.
During Anglo-Egyptian rule (1899-1956) a process of “Arabization” made its mark on the territory’s northern inhabitants. Elites from the “Arab north,” favored by the colonial establishment, formed the ruling class in Sudan upon independence in 1956. When Omar al-Bashir came to power in 1989, he fostered and lent support to a rising tide of Arab supremacism as a means of reinforcing his grip on the country. This produced devastating consequences, especially in Darfur, where non-Arab “rebel” tribes were subjected to ethnic cleansing (2003--) at the hands of a state-sponsored militia that espoused Arab supremacist ideology.
The tenuous national unity that was forged in the midst of the 2018-19 uprising posed the most significant challenge yet to the military-led, Islamist regime of Omar al-Bashir, whose regime responded with teargas, rooftop snipers and brutal beatings. In an effort to divide the opposition along the traditional Afro-Arab lines, the regime claimed that (non-Arab) Darfurian rebels were infiltrating protests and killing demonstrators in order to de-stabilize the country. But demonstrators responded by raising the chant “We are all Darfurian.” In doing so, they appropriated the trauma of the Darfurian genocide for the construction of an inclusive national identity framework that could be deployed as a means of mobilization and resistance.
This paper traces the evolution of the Afro-Arab binary in Sudan since the country’s independence and employs the politics of identity and exclusion as a research paradigm to explore how the 2018-19 Sudanese uprising has reflected the ongoing quest for a suitable national identity framework. It argues that the Sudanese uprising has reflected an impulse to challenge the state-sponsored Arab supremacism, which has privileged groups that claim Arab tribal, linguistic and cultural heritage. This study is based on interviews, participant observation, newspapers and secondary sources in English and Arabic.
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