This presentation investigates how, and to what level of success, Iranian leaders have employed conspiracy theories about the Islamic State (ISIS) to further the Islamic Republic’s geopolitical objectives. Conspiracy theories are nothing new in Iran; having experienced British and Russian interference in the country’s internal affairs in the early 20th century, followed by the CIA’s role in overthrowing Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953, many Iranians continue to view foreign manipulation as the primary force controlling their daily lives. Indeed, as Middle East scholar Graham Fuller has noted, those who fail to consider the complex foreign plots playing out behind the scenes tend to be thought of as naïve by their fellow compatriots. The rise of the Islamic State (ISIS) has fed yet another round of Iranian conspiracy theories—ones that have been deemed politically useful by Iran’s leaders. Numerous officials, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, claim that the ISIS takeover of portions of Iraq and Syria is part of a broader American and Zionist plot to stir up discord among Muslims, with the ultimate objective being perpetual instability that can justify a continued U.S. regional presence. The fact that ISIS’s ideology is very similar to the Wahhabi strand of Islam found inside U.S. ally Saudi Arabia is offered as further proof of Washington’s complicity. These ideas have been incorporated into Islamic Republic propaganda that seeks to portray Tehran’s military activities in support of its Iraqi and Syrian allies as part of an effort to protect all Muslims against Western imperialists. They also serve to deflect attention away from any role that Iran-backed actors such as former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki may have played in fomenting the Sunni grievances that allowed ISIS to attract supporters. In order to assess the spread and significance of these beliefs, I surveyed a variety of Persian language websites and social media platforms to include the pro-Khamenei web forums Bidari Andishe and Rasekhoon, and reformist websites such as Rahesabz and Kaleme. I argue that the widespread nature of these conspiracy theories, even among those who are critical of Iran’s conservative establishment, reflects the significant well of anti-imperialist sentiment at the government’s disposal that can be used to justify the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy to its citizens.