Abstract
In 1947, Pakistan was created on the demand of some Indian Muslims for a homeland where Muslims could live in accordance with their own Islamic cultural values. Ever since then, various governments, political parties, and religious groups have vied over defining the role of Islam in the lives of Pakistanis. The greatest attempt was made under Zia-ul-Haq (1977-88), who brought about the Islamization of the country's laws, educational institutions, and society. One outcome of it was the mushrooming of madrasas that produced militants for the Cold War and other jihad exploits. The 1990s democratic governments failed to regulate them. Post-9/11, these madrasas came into limelight for their association with Islamic extremism.
Much literature has been produced about the connection of radical madrasas and the 1980s Islamization. Sophisticated analyses have highlighted that children from poor families looking for free food, shelter and lodging fuel these madrasas. However, there are two aspects of the 1980s onward Islamization process that are yet to be studied: the non-militant experiments in Islamization in education, in particular, by women; and, how middle and upper class citizens growing up in the 1980s have incorporated the Islamization process in their everyday lives. In this paper, I attempt to fill these gaps by examining women's patronization of the Al-Huda madrasas. In the 1990s, the founder, Dr. Farhat Hashmi, began giving sermons at Western five star hotel chains in Karachi that were attended by elite women. Soon, middle class women joined their league and today, Al-Huda has branches in all urban centers of Pakistan. I will undertake a historical and anthropological analysis to explain the kinds of social needs not addressed by the Islamization process so far that are addressed by Al-Huda, and how the madrasa represents women's unique configuration of a non-militant, prestigious mode of Islamic education in a modern, urban Pakistani culture. The paper will further answer the following questions: What are the defining features of this piety movement and in what ways are the backgrounds of its patrons different from those of women at other female madrasas? Are these women trying to find a balance between Islamization and the social and educational patterns before Islamization? How does the Al-Huda example point toward future configurations of Islamic ideology in Pakistani culture?
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