This paper argues that the standard narratives explaining the origins of Shi’ite nationalism in Iran reflect a later collective memory of the movement’s origin that obscures many forgotten events and discursive threads that aided in the production of this nationalist sentiment. By shifting the focus to the decade before the standard origin, I argue that the anti-Baha'i movement was one of the most significant catalysts for what became the Shi'ite nationalist movement and that its importance has been forgotten in Iran's collective memory. I am not claiming that the anti-Baha'i sentiment of the period has been forgotten, but rather that what has been forgotten is the central role that it played in uniting and mobilizing what eventually became the Shi'ite nationalist movement and its role in shaping the national and international policies that precipitated the rift with the shah that ended clerical royalism and eventually led to the articulation of claims of alternate sovereignty. My findings are based on extensive archival research in addition to a study of clerical memoirs and speeches, newspaper articles, and numerous other sources. Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi has made a somewhat similar argument regarding the importance of anti-Baha'ism between 1941 and 1955. He concludes by speculating on anti-Baha'ism's possible influence on the Shi'ite nationalism of the 1960s. After extensive research, I am able to confirm his speculation, and to go much farther, but I also want to address the larger issue of why the histories of Iranian minorities continue to be treated as distinct from the history of Iran proper. My title, of course, alludes to Afsaneh Najmabadi’s influential critique of the ways in which the standard histories of Iranian Constitutionalism have ignored gender, taking prominent contemporary concerns (such as the scandal over the “Daughters of Quchan”) and converting them into narrative silence that does not threaten the later collective memory of the movement’s origins. This paper not only argues that the anti-Baha’i movement was as important to Shi’ite nationalism as the “Daughters of Quchan” was to Iranian Constitutionalism, but also suggests that, just as a great deal is lost by the marginalization of “women’s history,” the ghettoization of “minority history” has a similarly detrimental effect in this field.