The formation and resilience of the Lebanese popular movement (LPM) has yet to be researched by scholars. This research therefore seeks to analyze the sudden rise of the 2019 LPM by mapping its mobilizers, its political and non-political goals and the limitations precluding the achievement of its goals. Social movement theorists pay little attention to the activists and followers that make up a movement. These movements are primarily formed through civic engagement- the voluntary association of individuals and NGOs. The actors’ attempt to mobilize people relies on integrating a comprehensive framework of identities, grievances and emotions. This was evident in Lebanon onSeptember 17, 2019. For the first time in the history of the country, thousands of protestors from across different sects religions and socio-economic backgrounds united together and chimed for political change and socio-economic reform. The protestors insisted on their demands by chanting “revolution” and the “fall of the regime”. They also recited several slogans, most famously was “all of them means all of them”- a reference to the sectarian political elites who ruled the country for decades. Public anger has been accumulating for years against the state’s failure in attending to the needs of its citizens, as was apparent in the weak economy, crumbling infrastructure, lack of services, and high unemployment and corruption rates. The theoretical underpinnings of this research explore the possibility of the success and failure of the movement. I use social mobilization theory (SMT) as a theoretical framework which allows the incorporation of the complexities of the Lebanese case and utilizes an instrumental approach in understanding networks of mobilization within the “political opportunity” structures. Revolutionary movements, as argued by Jeff Goodwin and Rene Rojas, are rarely successful in overthrowing the political regime, due to an inherent need of weakening the elite divisions in power. In Lebanon, history has proven that the deeply rooted sectarian confessional system appears very strong and resistant to change.The success of the Lebanese revolution would necessitate a weakening of the state’s political “infrastructural power” and the breakdown of the sectarian and clientelist structures. Methodologically, this research will assess the motives behind the participants and organizers and will conjure a model to facilitate the successful long-term involvement of the participants in the movement. This research further concludes that the success of the LPM hinges on its resilience and the strengthening of the networks of mobilization within the political opportunity structure.