Before Iran’s 1979 revolution, he was mostly known for producing and hosting successful radio and television shows where he would squeeze in global issues like the Vietnam war in between entertainment. In exile, he became an outspoken activist against Iran’s Islamic regime which allegedly led to his murder in 1992. Throughout his charismatic life and thereafter, he has continued to be associated with non-heteronormative sexuality. Today, an internet search, in part produces results that are reflective of the iconic Fereydoun Farrokhzad being excavated for multiple reasons. This paper analyzes a selection of online posts related to Farrokhzad including videos, articles, and photos. The posts are either Farrokhzad’s political activism chosen for its nationalist fervor, narrations of his unique place in Iranian culture which often include rejections or dismissals of the “rumors of his gayness” or those who claim his non-heteronormative sexuality as part of Iranian queerness. I draw upon the scholarship of nationalism and homonationalization to argue that by themselves the “pro-nationalist” posts and those dismissive of Farrokhzad's sexuality reproduce an insistence on heteronormativity of nationalism that positions non-heteronormative sexuality as a “deviant” “other.” The posts claiming Farrokhzad’s queerness in isolation reproduce the assumption that Iranian queerness/es are separate from the rest of Iranian history, indirectly contributing to the reproduction of exclusivist patriarchal nationalism which has been sustained at the expense and erasure of queer Iranian-ness. Analyzed together, the posts are also reflective of how Iranian nationalism continues to be reinforced by straight and queer actors. Scholarship has demonstrated that Iran as a nation-state and its discourse of nationalism were constructed and maintained through reproductions of heteronormativity. It has also established that hegemonic masculinity goes hand in hand with hegemonic nationalism and militarism. Few scholars have examined the intersections of non-homonormative sexuality and nationalism in the context of Iran or the impact of iconic figures such as Fereydoun Farrokhzad to both discourses of nationalism and queer studies. Given the repeated deployments and erasures of sexualities in projects of nationalism, militarism and now securitization, If we are serious about moving toward a more inclusive democratic discourse, it is crucial to examine the seemingly unrelated spaces to locate queer sexualities within the context of Iranian culture and to be alert of any spaces that may inadvertently reproduce frameworks such as nationalism that continue to be couched in exclusionary politics including the erasure of queerness.