Kurdish Refugees in Kurdistan: A case study on Turkish Kurds in Northern Iraq Regarding the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG), who rules Kurdish Autonomous Region in Northern Iraq, we can say that for the first time in the history Kurds are the subject of the solution of their own problems. Currently, KRG seems to be the neoliberal success story of post- Saddam Iraq. A poor, underdeveloped and conflict-ridden part of the country has emerged by far the most stable, secure and prosperous region of the country. From 1991 a de facto independent area under international protection emerged in the north of Iraq, which, despite external interference and internal infighting, has blossomed economically. Consequently Iraqi Kurdistan has become the first example in history which Kurds have succeeded on a territorial scale. As regards the developments in Northern Iraq, how will this wave trigger some changes on Kurdish question in the Middle East? And, what will be the role of KRG in this process? This paper will try to answer these questions by focusing on Turkish Kurdish Refugees in Northern Iraq. Today, approximately 12000 Turkish Kurdish refugees live in Kurdish-held North. Most of them have immigrated in 1994 because of Turkey’s brutal policies against Kurds. They have been living in different camps for about 17 years. And, it is still unclear that whether or not Turkey will implement a repatriation plan for the arrival of Turkish Kurds to Turkey; neither KRG implementations give a clear idea whether or not there is an integration plan for residence of Turkish Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan. In first sight, we can say that the Turkish-KRG relations, which have significantly improved in last decade, will modify the future of Turkish Kurdish Refugees. Today, common economical interests fuel the relations between KRG and Turkey. However, Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) bases in KRG remains as a crucial issue and influences the relation between KRG and Turkey. Consequently, KRG has difficulties to maintain a balance between the interests of Kurds as a whole and KRG as a sovereign actor. The main argument of this paper is that KRG’s policies, rather than creating an alliance with other Kurds living in the region, favoring the interests of KRG as new sovereign actor regarding governance.