Two years after the Arab uprisings, demonstrations have not seized to exist on the Arab street. Though the role of youth in the events leading to the ousting of several Arab leaders was essential, post-Arab uprising polities have only paid lip service to youth political inclusion. This paper analyzes the extent to which Egyptian and Moroccan policy makers have included/excluded youth from political engagement. Did government reform policies address the issue of youth political inclusion? How were youth included in the electoral processes of both countries, and did youth contestants become part of the new legislatures or executive offices? To answer these questions, this paper provides empirical evidence for the assumption that the nature of the political regime determines the types of youth inclusion in the political process. Data was retrieved through qualitative content analysis of policy-related documents and in-depth interviews with politically engaged youth conducted between October 2012 and January 2013. Results demonstrate that in Morocco, where constitutional reform secured the persistence of the liberal, executive monarchy, the regime continues to follow its old strategy of ‘divide et impera’: By including moderate youth from different ends of the political spectrum accepting to participate within the boundaries of the existing political system. On the other hand, it marginalizes youth activists from the radical left and Islamist movements who oppose the monarchial institution. In Egypt, on the other hand, the rise to power of the Islamists has opened new possibilities of participation for Islamist youth, while sidelining liberal and leftist youth. The paper concludes that the Moroccan strategy is presently more successful in preventing the emergence of new youth protests, whereas in Egypt, more youth tumult is expected to rise. This research will add to the existing literature, through analyzing both youth political participation, and the existing power relations within these polities. Scholarship focusing on youth in the Arab world often focuses on youth in terms of similarities and shared experiences of exclusion (Murphy 2012). While these studies have the advantage of unveiling societal and socioeconomic reasons for their political exclusion, they often neglect the role of politics. As past research has shown, authoritarian regimes secure their survival through recourse to “selective participation”, coopting parts of the political spectrum to increase their legitimacy, while marginalizing others (Lust-Oskar & Zerhouni 2008). This implies that, youth participation – as any other societal group – cannot be analyzed independently from existing power relations in a political order.