In the wake of the Islamic revolution in 1979, and again during the 2011 Arab uprisings, the Saudi royal family seemed anxious and nervous about the prospects of instability in the Kingdom. Alongside generating unprecedented divisions within the ruling family, these uncertainties brought the most basic principle of the Saudi regime identity back to the fore and revealed a key mechanism in molding the national identity, namely Wahhabism. The Saudi elite in both historical instances have looked to reinforce their relationship with the most traditional power base, namely the religious establishment. The relationship between religion and the state in Saudi Arabia has been an intriguing subject for many scholars. Some studied religion as a source of legitimacy of the ruling family. Other considered traditional Islam an explanatory factor in the resilience of Al-Saud regime. This article addresses a similar issue: the role of Wahhabism in forging a Saudi national identity, and consolidating the authoritarian state. In times of crises, when the rule of Al-Saud was shaken, the Saudi regime called upon Wahhabi religious interpretation and renewed the ties with the religious establishment. Through this recurrent mechanism, the Saudi royal family was able to build a 'Saudi' identity distinct from any other Arab or Islamic discourse, and inextricably related to the political needs of Al-Saud. This Saudi national identity became a key mechanism in regime-led state consolidation and nation crafting. This paper examines this authoritarian mechanism through a comparative analysis of Saudi domestic politics following the Islamic revolution in 1979 and the Arab Uprisings of 2011. Relying on primary and secondary sources, the research is based an analysis of elite statements on the state identity and their conception of the 'other'. Based on such empirical analysis of Saudi politics, this article concludes that Wahhabism played a distinct role in consolidating the Saudi national identity around the rule of Al-Saud. Ultimately, this article contributes to the understanding of authoritarian survival strategies ‘beyond coercion’ and ‘beyond rentierism’.