Following the ISIS attack on the Sinjar region in August 2014, more than 300,000 Yezidis sought refuge in the autonomous region of Kurdistan in northern Iraq. Reports about religious persecution of Yezidis and enslavement of Yezidi women were crucial in urging international community for “humanitarian intervention,” and representing Yezidi victimhood has been a central theme in narrating ISIS atrocities. Resettlement of displaced Yezidis in refugee camps in Iraqi Kurdistan, however, turned Yezidi victimhood into a political commodity and a contested field for regional and transnational humanitarian actors to compete over being authoritative mediators and legitimate advocates of displaced Yezidis. Transnational humanitarian organizations frame Yezidi victimhood as a crime against humanity employing an array of representational forms such as juxtaposing the faceless and ahistorical figure of “ISIS terrorists” with a celebrated Yezidi survivor to mobilize transnational solidarity; the Kurdistan Regional Government represents Yezidi suffering as a continuation of the Kurdish victimhood and struggle for independence; and Iraqi Federal Government highlights the complicity of the Kurdish security forces in the fall of Sinjar, the mass displacement, and collective suffering of Yezidis. In light of this tension between Kurdish and Iraqi authorities and the interstitial status of Yezidis, my paper investigates the changing understandings of identity, belonging, and citizenship among internally displaced Yezidis following their displacement in the post-ISIS era. Analyzing the category of “displaced religious minority,” my research addresses an understudied community and provide a new analytical lens to study humanitarian intervention. I show how the unique conjuncture of secular transnational humanitarianism with national sectarian politics enabled a new form of belonging among displaced Yezidis, which entails the intertwining of the desire to be a cosmopolitan citizen with struggle over local belonging and creating a territorialized religious identity. On one hand, Yezidis self-identify with other historically stateless persecuted minorities, such as Armenian Christians or Jewish people hence believing in a cosmopolitan victimhood-centered belonging. On the other hand, they brand Yezidism as a pre-Islamic ancient religion asserting to be the original inhabitants of the Sinjar Region, hence creating an exclusive territorialized religious identity, or what I call “religious autochthony,” as a discursive leverage to highlight the distinct nature of their collective suffering and their unique role as an ethno-religious minority amidst a larger community of displaced people.