Abstract
In the contentious literature on the linkages between economic and political development (Lipset 1959; Diamond 1992; Przeworski et al. 2000; Epstein et al. 2006), the Gulf state of Qatar is an important test case. One of the most interesting debates has centered on a particular type of "anomaly": those authoritarian regimes that appear able to pursue a selective reform agenda that increases economic development and transparency while leaving in place the political structures that maintain and even strengthen the authoritarian system. The true puzzle is the high economic growth of many of these countries even as the political systems remain propped up by "crony capitalism," in which the political authorities bestow favors of high economic value (e.g., grants of free money or favorable credit, monopolies and trade protections, selective awarding of contracts and import licenses) on the basis of personal ties or favoritism. We see this type of behavior in all areas of the world---Latin America (Haber 2002), Africa (Bates 1981 and 1989), East Asia (Kang 2002), and the Middle East (Heydemann 2004)---but, unsurprisingly, findings differ as to how economic growth succeeds in this environment, how needed economic reforms are passed, and whether this pattern is sustainable over time. My goal is to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the economic and political processes in the Gulf region. Using Qatar as an in-depth case study, my work asks an important question: How are the authoritarian regimes of the Gulf maintaining political control while simultaneously expanding their economies through regulation, transparency, rule of law, and other measures that normally erode authoritarian strengtht And then: Is this sustainable over timem
Using network analysis (Heydemann 2004), I study how networks of state and business actors work together to preserve and privilege their economic access. I supplement the network analysis of cronyism with the literature on legitimacy and state-building to explain continued political control (Alagappa 1995; White 2005). I am combining field research with secondary literature, positioning Qatar within the Gulf regional context and as part of a wider case selection of authoritarian regimes that seek to balance increased economic complexity and transparency with politically closed---yet still legitimate---regimes. I aim to contribute to the underdeveloped academic literature on Qatar as well as situate it more firmly amid contemporary debates on economic and political policy in the Gulf region and the world as a whole.
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