When the protests against the election results first occurred in the summer of 2009, some outside commentators derided them as the petty expression of the North Tehran upper class. Subsequently, as the protests morphed into a movement, it became eminently clear that its social base was large, consisted of an array of social forces, and included disaffected low-income and religious citizens as well as various strands of the middle class and members of the secularized elite. Reports indicate that women, men, youth, older citizens, workers, professionals, and clergy have taken part in the protests. Ideologically, the Green protests include "reformist Islamists", leftists/Marxists, liberals, and feminists. While on one level such a broad base of support for "contentious politics" may be advantageous, it also raises questions about the capacity of such a broad base to cohere around a common agenda for political change. How does a social movement craft a collective identity from such disparate and apparently divergent elementse To what extent do the diverse slogans of the protests represent the diversity of the opposition, and to what extent do they raise challenges for the building of a cohesive movementm The paper will describe the diverse social forces that have constituted, and continue to constitute, the Green Movement, with a focus on the contradictory identities, objectives, and discourses that may impede unity of purpose. In an authoritarian political context, coherence and cohesiveness in identity formation and movement frames may be critical to the movement's advancement. Research methods and sources of data include the authors' participant-observations, close reading of opposition literature, involvement in "cyber-activism", and application of social movement theorizing to the Iranian case.