In the aftermath of the 2013 military coup in Egypt, the Obama administration withheld the delivery of certain weaponry to the Egyptian military for eighteen months. In response, the Egyptian regime immediately hired a public relations firms in Washington and invested in lobbying the United States government. The extent literature has not studied Egyptian lobbying following the military coup. Grounded in the scholarship on global hierarchies in International Relations (IR), this paper makes the argument that the post-coup Egyptian regime has adopted a sovereigntist stance vis-à-vis the United States. Sovereigntism aims to secure a better position for a state within the global hierarchical order, both vertically (by propping up its status) and horizontally (by gaining greater political leverage, whether internally or externally). Countering military sanctions which the regime perceived as a curtailment of its sovereignty, Egypt’s lobbying, it is my contention, was sovereigntist. The paper carries out a systematic examination of official documentation submitted by Egypt’s lobbying firm in Washington—The Glover Park Group—to the Department of Justice and relies on extensive interviews conducted in 2019. Interviewees include government officials who have held positions in the White House, Congress, the Department of State, and the Department of Defense, and think tank scholars who have been targeted by Egypt’s lobbyists. The paper shows that the Egyptian regime lobbied Congress more than the Executive, Republican Members of Congress more than their Democratic colleagues, and the media more than think tanks. In addition, it demonstrates that it attempted to draw advantages from its recognition by regional United States allies—Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia—which it mobilized to support its four claims: 1) framing the coup as a ‘revolution;’ 2) reinstating the normal flow of military aid; 3) recognizing the leadership of the new de facto leader, then president, of Egypt Abdel Fattah al-Sisi; and 4) designating the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. In making this argument, the paper offers the first systematic and theoretically informed study of Egyptian lobbying in DC after the military coup, revealing how the new regime attempted to secure international recognition amidst its domestic authoritarian consolidation.