This paper discusses the reverse gender gap in the quality of education in Bahrain and the complications of that gender gap imposed by the sectarian and demographic distribution of Bahraini public schools K-12. Although the reverse gender gap has been thoroughly studied and reviewed by many in educational and scholarly circles, its specificities have not been further explored in the context of Bahrain. Bahrain is a particular case because Bahraini public schools especially in the primary and intermediate levels are largely homogenous in terms of sect, since they reside within villages that are distributed along sectarian lines. Bahrain has distinct areas whose residents are mostly Shi’i, areas whose residents are mostly Sunni, and areas that are more mixed in terms of their sectarian distribution. In this paper, I tackle the question of whether this distinction plays a role in the quality of public education in Bahrain, and how it specifically relates to the reverse gender gap. Specifically, I would like to ask: what factors contribute to the gender disparity in the quality of education in Bahrain? Why and how are those factors complicated by the socio-religious backgrounds of the students and the location of the schools? And lastly, how have these factors changed over time both in terms of perception and reality? By perception of quality, I mean the local understanding of the quality of the schools and the performance of its students among the parents, teachers, and students themselves as opposed to the “reality” depicted in quantitative and qualitative analysis of the schools’ performances in both local Bahraini reports produced by the Bahrain Quality Authority (BQA) and international reports. I use the term socio-religious to encompass not only sect, but the socio-economic conditions that are –in Bahrain– sometimes married to and impacted by the sect that one is affiliated with and is raised to abide by. Girls schools in mostly Shi'i areas tend to perform best both in terms of perception and reality. In this paper, I will use both official data published by BQA and participant observations of 15 public schools and interviews with BQA officials, parents, students, and teachers in Bahrain with different sectarian and demographic compositions and draw on a review of available literature to confirm this variance in quality and form a descriptive analysis of the process that lead to its creation.