From Sidi Bouzid to Kasserine: Food Sovereignty, land rights and social uprisings in Tunisia Tunisia is strongly dependent on world food markets, and it imports no less than 45% of its needs. Nonetheless, the country is also a “big” agricultural exporter, including of non-food products. This paradox reveals its continued submission to the "world food regime" (Friedmann 1993 & McMichael 2009) which limits, at the same time, Tunisia’s "national" political sovereignty and national, local, and family-level food sovereignty. Food sovereignty (Via Campesina, 1996) includes the right of peoples and nations to freely choose their agricultural development models, food policies, modes of production and consumption, and the nature of their relations with the "outside" – foreign countries. It assumes, moreover, the unconditional right of access of local populations, and above all peasants, to the natural and agricultural resources needed to ensure food security for families and supply the local markets with necessary foodstuffs. Thus, the concept is primarily based on the principle that agricultural resources must first be used to feed humans rather than to accumulate capital. Since the mid-1980s, the neoliberal policies have neglected the political, social and environmental dimensions of agriculture, for the benefit of an investors' agriculture, one that is mechanized, intensive, and often irrigated. Its products are firstly intended for export. This comes at the expense of the small and medium peasantry, and of local and national food sovereignty. One could mention as an example the case of the Sidi Bouzid region (made famous by the suicide of Bouazizi December 17, 2010), which has attracted the largest share of public and private investments over the past 30 years but which has known the 4th highest poverty rate in the country, with about 43% of the population under the poverty line, against 20% in the Northeast and major coastal big cities. Far from being a surprise, this "paradox" – strong investment rates and high rates of poverty – reveals the mechanisms of accumulation, by the investors, through dispossession of rural populations and local farming communities (Harvey D., on 2003) and highlights the "mechanical" links between food dependency and uprisings and protests. My paper aims to explore these mechanisms of continuing dispossession over several decades and their "causal" relations with the more recent uprisings, by revisiting the key moments of the Tunisian "revolution" between Sidi Bouzid in 2010 and Kasserine in 2016.