In his pioneering work on the history of the labor movement in Egypt, historian Ra’uf ‘Abbas reported that he did not hear of any existence of a labor union of women workers even during peak activism of the interwar period, male unionists did not care to organize women workers, and women were not substantially present to form women-only trade unions. This assertation reflects two recurring challenges in writing labor and women histories: the lack of sources documenting working-class activism and gender biases in interpreting available sources. Both challenges have fortified the false assumption that only men participated in Egyptian labor activism, and the women’s movement ignored working-class struggles. Thus, the histories of labor, women, and capitalism have been separate terrains of inquiry. This paper aims at examining women’s experiences in proletarianization and gendering the history of labor through tracing the origin and development of women’s labor activism in the interwar period and the Nasserist years in Egypt. It argues that gender matters to the history of labor and capitalism, and labor and class are important to understanding gender and women’s histories. We can write gender in the history of capitalism and in the labor movement by counting the emotional, social, economic, and political labors shouldered by women to sustain the labor movement and male activists. I reconceptualize industrial working-class women and labor activism by including women’s work at the factory and in the family that combined their gendered and classed positionalities. To counter the repeated argument that patriarchal traditions kept women out of labor movements, I show how women manipulated the same gender regime to defend their labor rights and protect their male coworkers, husbands, brothers, sons, and neighbors. They stood up in the face of the police force, and when political repression forced their male relatives behind bars, they pooled their sources and shared knowledge to launch collective actions. I argue that staying at home, preparing meals for protesting or imprisoned men, and caring for children are practices that should be studied as activism to fight injustice rather than mere domestic chores. Women’s labor and support offered their families and imprisoned men provisions and love and contributed to the labor movements. Whether as factory workers or members of worker families, their multifaceted proletarian experiences as women, workers, and members in working-class families and communities informed their activism.