Especially after the end of the Cold War, most of the scholars, focusing on Turkish foreign policy have tried to figure out whether there is continuity or change in basic principles, objectives, priorities and international orientation of Turkish foreign policy. Scholars such as Philip Robins, William Hale have argued that Turkish foreign policy changed profoundly after the cold war, sampling their argument with the case of 1990-91 Gulf War. However, on the other side, some other scholars insisted that Turkish foreign policy did not deviate from its traditional orientation in the post-cold war era. Both of the sides have analyzed change and continuity in Turkish foreign policy by referring Turkey’s regional role in the new era, her changing geostrategic importance in the post-cold war era, and her responsiveness to external environment. There remains the puzzle. Most of these studies ignore the role of decision-makers, who involve foreign policymaking process actively. In that regard, this research paper is an attempt to analyze the role of decision-makers in Turkish foreign policymaking in the cases of 1990-1991 Gulf War and 2003 Iraqi War. In the former one, former Turkish President Turgut Ozal seemed to take a leading role and joined the international coalition and in the latter one, Prime Minister and leader of Justice and Development Party (AKP) Tayyip Erdogan seemed to say the last word on remaining neutral.Since there is a debate over the role of foreign policy formers in both cases, there is not much systematic analysis referring to the role of the decision-making bodies in Turkish foreign policymaking. The questions of this paper lie at the heart of this puzzle: Do decision makers really influence Turkish foreign policymaking? If so, how do they affect decision-making process? Does the influence of leaders in foreign policymaking cause a drastic change in traditional principles of foreign policy? Are these decision units form a compact group or is there a split between them? In order to answer all these questions, I will adopt Hermann’s decision-unit framework and test whether decision units affect/cause a drastic change in Turkish foreign policy principles in both cases by surveying related news coverage, speeches, official documents, interviews as well as secondary resources.