Sexual harassment in public places including the street and buses is common in Egypt: 63% of women in 2019 reported having experienced harassment in the previous twelve months (Arab Barometer, 2019). Anti-harassment activism began before the 2011 revolution and expanded enormously afterwards, with a groundswell of new youth-led groups and 2014 penal code amendments which facilitated criminal prosecution. Authors including Paul Amar (2013) and Nicole Sunday Grove (2015) caution that common methods of anti-harassment activism may enable police to abuse working-class men on the pretext of combatting harassment. In discussing a 2008 bill developed by a women’s rights NGO, Amar argues that “little thought was given to the ease by which the police…. could misuse it to justify mass arrests of working-class boys engaged in any kind of flirting.” Grove examines the use by the NGO HarassMap of GIS technology to map areas where harassment occurs, speculating that this surveillance could help police effectively target poor men. These concerns are intuitively persuasive, as ethnographies of Cairo have documented systematic police abuse of young poor men (Ismail 2006, 2012). They also dovetail with feminist research in the U.S. highlighting the tendency to associate sexual violence with marginalized groups such as Black men (Bumiller, 2008). This paper tests the concerns raised at a speculative level by Amar and Grove by examining a database of newspaper reports of criminal complaints filed against harassers in 2014-5 created by the Daftar Ahwal Data Research Institute, and media discussions of more recent harassment cases and of the causes of harassment. An examination of over TV talk shows addressing harassment between 2006 and 2021, and of newspapers, demonstrates that before 2011, speculation that harassers were usually poor was common, appearing in such for a as the editorial page of the government newspaper al-Ahram and famous host Mona Shazli’s talk show. After 2011, speakers on the most widely-watched programs regularly argued that men of all classes harass. Assessing whether working class men are disproportionately targeted in criminal complaints is harder, as there is no data on all men accused of this crime. However, reports of criminal complaints between 2014-5 compiled by Deftar Ahwal, and later media coverage, document alleged harassment by both working and non-working class harassers, including Tuk Tuk drivers, an electrician, the owner of a tourist bazaar in Luxor and drivers in cars other than taxis (whose purchase would be beyond the reach of most working-class men).