Inflicting torture on the bodies of political prisoners by authoritarian, and in some cases, democratic governments for extracting information and confessions has been the subject of various scholarly works (Scarry 1987,Taylor 1997, Rejali 2007 ). Tortured bodies are the manifestation of what Georgio Agamben defines and elaborates as bare lives in Homo Sacer. He posits these bodies as vulnerable to any types of violence and deprived of any juridical protection, as an inviolable body. But what might be added to Agamben’s formulation here is how sexualized, bare lives can be constructed by the discourse of violence. How does sexuality and subjecthood transform for those whose citizenship and admittance into the community are jeopardized as a result of being the victims of such atrocities? My main objective in this paper is to explore how the sexual tortures perpetuated in Iran’s prisons, especially since the 2009 presidential election can be understood and analyzed in relation to evolving notions of sexuality and gender in Iran. While this study focuses on the 2009 post-election conflicts, it does not locate its analysis of the transformation of the notion of the “proper”sexual conducts and gender performance within this historical framework alone. Rather, through archival and ethnographic research , my analysis also draws upon the state’s manipulation of Islamic ideology for a remaking of gender and sexuality in the post-revolutionary state. The paper begins by examining how the perpetrators that represented the ruling power produced/reproduced the notions of proper and righteous womanhood and manhood and their relationship, especially through the concepts of femininity and masculinity. Next, incorporating victims’ narrations of their sexual torture, I will discuss how a new relationship between citizens and the state has been created as the consequence of systematic violence, in which the citizens' understanding of their subjecthood and rights are no longer based on the religious-sexual moralities advocated by the government. Finally, this paper argues that the thirty years of violence and disciplinary methods perpetuated on Iranian citizens' bodies resulted in a construction of subjectivity different from what the Iranian government had imagined.