The upsurge in radical terrorism in Morocco since 2003 has compelled the Moroccan state to intervene forcefully in the public sphere. This multifaceted intervention has included the implementation of national and transnational security measures, as well as efforts to produce “moderate” understandings of Islamic knowledge and practice. As is well documented in secondary scholarship, Morocco has branded itself a “moderate” model of Islam by domestically reinforcing its troika of national Islamic tradition, consisting in the Maliki school of law, the Ash‘ari creed, and the influence of various forms of Sufism (Alaoui Bensaleh 2017). As part of these endeavors, the Moroccan state has also increasingly relied on urban lower middle-class women (murshid?t) as the public face of this project (El Haitemi 2013). In this paper, I analyze the state’s rhetoric regarding the need and importance of training murshid?t in the production of moderate Islam, comparing this rhetoric to the voices of the murshid?t themselves in how they understand their involvement in the state’s project. Based on interviews that I conducted with government officials in Morocco in the summer of 2019, I reveal that the murshid?t understand their role to be going beyond calling Moroccans to moderate Islam (da`wa) in the space of the mosque, as the project was initially conceived. Indeed, I show that these state-sponsored Muslim female agents have moved into academic and religious institutions and private homes, widening their prerogative to include advocacy for the rights of rural women beyond the realm of religious knowledge. Specifically, the focus of the murshid?t has morphed into demanding greater access to education and access to voting for rural Moroccan women. In my analysis of future interviews scheduled in June of 2020 with ten murshid?t, I will explore how these women understand their role as purveyors of the state’s counterterrorism project, as spiritual guides and interpreters of canonical religious texts, and as advocates for the rights of rural women. Through this analysis, I will bring attention to the ways that the murshid?t have fashioned themselves not only as authorities of state-condoned “moderate” Islam, but also of the educational and political needs of rural Moroccan women. Thus, the paper will bring attention to the ways that religious extremism and women’s rights are often tied together in state discourses, as well as to how women themselves can be both agents and subjects in these projects.