Among the most puzzling developments of the post-9/11 era is the dramatic upsurge in political, economic, and cultural influence experienced by Detroit's Arab and Muslim communities. New mosques and churches have been built, and old ones are being renovated and enlarged. More Arabs and Muslims have been elected and appointed to public office. Key civil rights and advocacy groups are today better funded and arguably more effective. Greater Detroit's Arab and Muslim populations are growing, even as the city's non-Arab and non-Muslim sectors, and the state of Michigan as a whole, steadily lose population. The tendency to conflate Arab and Muslim identities is pervasive in Detroit, despite endless attempts to distinguish them. The city's Arab populations are majority Christian, and at least half its Muslim population is non-Arab. Locally, these demographic facts have turned the War on Terror into a tale of two cities: Arab Detroit and Muslim Detroit. Tremendous overlap exists between these two cities, yet their histories, experiences, and collective identities are not the same. This paper explores how a decade of Islamophobia, foreign wars, and domestic anti-terrorism campaigns has affected Detroit as a variously Arab and Muslim place. How can we make sense of the institutional gains Arab Detroit and Muslim Detroit have experienced over the last ten years, and how are these trends related to the stigma and political marginalization Arabs and Muslims still face in Detroit? How do religious and ethnic identities differ as platforms for political incorporation? Who is most concerned to distinguish Muslim and Arab identities in Detroit, and why? Amid a growing sense that Islamophobia is now the most pressing threat to Muslims and Arabs in America and globally, how are the intense zones of overlap and mutual definition that connect these populations changing? Finally, how and why do Arab American Studies and Muslim American Studies provide different answers to these question? By examining these questions, I hope to shed light on new developments in the politics of Americanization that existing discourses of multicultural inclusion leave us ill-equipped to understand. I will also ask if Arab American Studies and Muslim American Studies stand at a crossroad.