Since the Camp David Accords of 1979, anti-normalization has framed much of Palestine solidarity work in Egypt. As Elliot Colla points out anti-normalization—the principle of refusing travel, professional, and cultural relations with Israel—constituted dissident political principles for most of its history. The anti-normalization movement highlighted the political gap between state policy and public opinion. However, as Amr Shalakany has shown, this activist dissidence of the 1970s and 1980s attenuated by the 1990s into “a discursive phenomenon” that the state managed and co-opted to contain popular protest. As Ursula Lindsey has argued, the position of cultural boycott against Israel was accompanied with increasing political and economic normalization between Egypt and Israel. This process was part of what Wassim al-Adel argued was a “growing culture of numbness and complicity” of Arab governments. In the post-Oslo period as Shalakany shows, anti-normalization was ensconced in a centrist political position that preached inaction as the normative mode of Palestine solidarity. However, the outbreak of the Al Aqsa intifada in 2000 was a significant rupture. Egyptian activists creatively reshaped Palestine solidarity through popular committees in Cairo and Alexandria that “boast[ed] all the trappings of a genuine social movement.” This paper explores Palestine solidarity work in Egypt since the 2005 launching of the Boycott Divestment Sanctions movement. It will study the intersections, continuities, and ruptures of political work and expression under the Mubrak’s regime “cold peace” with Israel. It will then move to trace the shifts in Palestine solidarity work after the 25 January Revolution. Now that the political atrophy observers noted about Egyptian political life has been irrevocably punctured, what comes next for Palestine solidarity work? This paper will trace Palestine solidarity after a people’s revolution that ousted the thirty-year reign of an anti-democratic regime. It will be an important time to observe the making of state policy under the millions' strong demand for democratic change. What will become of the gap between state policy and public opinion on Palestine in this moment? What conceptual and strategic frameworks will be employed and what is the status of both the anti-normalization rhetoric and the BDS movement? In exploring Palestine solidarity work in this period, this paper contributes a reading of BDS in an unprecedented political moment in Arab history.