Following a period of more than a decade long democratic erosion and eventual breakdown, Turkey appears to have a possibility of democratic transition through opposition coordination and coming to power in upcoming elections. What are the chances of this happening? What are the changes that this potential period of transition and democratic reforms also involve reforms and transformations that begin to resolve Turkey’s century-old Kurdish Conflict? This paper will analyze this question based on two novel theoretical and empirical grounds that will make significant contributions to extant research on Turkey, Kurds, and democratization with respect to ethnic-national conflicts. First, it will analyze what it takes to successfully address the Turkish-Kurdish Conflict by building on an original theoretical framework developed in a forthcoming book by the author in April 2022 (Return to Point Zero: The Turkish-Kurdish Question and How Politics and Ideas (Re-)Make Empires, Nations and States, New York: SUNY Press, April 2022). Specifically, it will argue that in terms of its fundamental conditions and problem and solution sets, the current period resembles a “return to point zero,” i.e. this conflict’s formative period during the foundation of the Turkish Republic. Accordingly, the key to beginning to resolve the conflict lies in, rather than Turkish-Kurdish politics, intra-Turkish politics, which needs to resolve three mainly Turkish dilemmas regarding identity, security and elite unity. Second, the paper will review and examine the developments and opposition advances in Turkish politics since 2019. Hence, it will discuss whether these opposition efforts to unite and agree on a program of democratic reforms will suffice to defeat and replace the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, whether opposition talks may involve reforms addressing the three dilemmas mentioned above, and to what extent Kurds can be included in the emerging democratic coalition and their efforts can be addressed in the process. With references to the conflict’s formative period, the paper will conclude by discussing whether Turkey can manage to accomplish both democratization and conflict resolution at the same time.