The Moroccan nationalist movement gained significant political and intellectual traction in the wake of the watershed 1930 Berber Decree. After eighteen years of French occupation and wars of resistance, a cadre of Moroccan religious elites sought to mount the first organized political opposition to colonial rule. As perhaps the foremost leader of this movement, the ʿalim and political activist ʿAllal al-Fasi (d. 1974) worked within the mosque setting to preach his avowed embracement of the transnational Islamic revivalist movement known as Salafism. However, unlike many of his Salafi-oriented contemporaries across the Muslim world, al-Fasi understood this religious revival as contingent upon political liberty--a freedom achievable only by attaining Moroccan independence. From his pulpit at al-Qarawiyin University, al-Fasi repeatedly exhorted his listeners to adhere to the virtues of the pious ancestors and organize politically against those who contravened them—namely the French and their Moroccan collaborators. As a young, iconoclastic, and highly charismatic activist in the 1930s, al-Fasi incorporated this spirit of uprising into a conflated religious and political revival, effectively energizing his vast following and drawing the sharp ire of French authorities and traditional ʿulamaʾ alike. Using sources acquired in Morocco and France, my paper shows the ways in which al-Fasi and his cadre appropriated the language of Salafism, nationalism, and youth uprising to construct a cohesive identity for Morocco’s nascent nationalist movement. While previous scholarship has examined Salafism as an instrument of al-Fasi’s politics (Waterbury, 1970; Lauzière 2008), my access to al-Fasi’s sermons, early writings, and French intelligence dossier demonstrates more fully how al-Fasi’s vision of the Moroccan state embraced religious reform in a particularly intricate and potent way. Nevertheless, I show also how al-Fasi’s ideas and shrewd political maneuvering represented an iconoclastic mindset within his traditional milieu of religious elites, a phenomenon that frequently hindered his public campaign against the French and their Moroccan collaborators. Although al-Fasi’s early struggle ended with his exile in 1937, I argue that the original efficacy of al-Fasi’s movement ultimately played a crucial role in embedding Moroccan Islamic identity within the nascent Moroccan nationalist identity, a fact bearing significantly on how we understand the dialectic of Moroccan political and religious institutions thereafter.