Migration has long been a constitutive part of the Yemeni experience. But what does it mean, in the context of the now decade-long war and humanitarian crisis in Yemen, for Yemenis to be recognized and to self-identify as refugees? And how has contemporary research on Yemeni migration and mobility been shaped by the current crisis—by the near impossibility of conducting research within large parts of Yemen, by the challenges of gaining access to refugees from Yemen in various locations, and by our interlocutors’ continuing migratory movements? Drawing on seven years of intermittent fieldwork in Djibouti’s Markazi camp for refugees from Yemen, I will discuss (1) how the existence of the camp has both facilitated and impeded Yemeni mobility and (2) how my own and other foreigners’ access to the camp has been spasmodically welcomed and blocked. Initially, the Djibouti government’s prima facie recognition of all Yemeni arrivals as refugees and its opening of the world’s only camp explicitly for refugees from Yemen held promise for Yemenis seeking access to the Global North. Instead, the camp has functioned as a sort of filtering device, allowing passage for Yemeni “economic migrants” in search of paid labor in Djibouti while functioning as a de facto prison for Yemenis whose dreams of third country resettlement have been thwarted. At the same time, the presence of the camp on the shores of the Red Sea has facilitated the comings and goings of Yemenis in the region; indeed, one of the central “problems” encountered by the refugee hosting regime in Djibouti is that the Yemeni refugees do not stay put. Due to the Markazi camp’s proximity to coastal Yemen, many refugees return regularly to Yemen for short-term visits, despite intending to retain their refugee status. This circular migration between the refugees’ home villages in Yemen and the camp has enabled me to “follow” the migration trajectories of my interlocutors whom I regularly meet following their return visits to Yemen. Nevertheless, in the same way that the camp refugees talk of feeling increasingly “imprisoned” by the Djibouti’s government’s push for their socio-economic “integration,” my research in the camp has become increasingly constrained by a government fearful of negative press. In this sense, the refugee camp is also a filtering device for the kind of research that is possible in this context.

This presentation explores the intricate dynamics of gender, conflict-induced diasporas, transnational activism, and peacebuilding in Yemen. Since the outbreak of the war in Yemen in 2014/2015, approximately 4.5 million people have been internally displaced, and over 190,000 have sought refuge abroad. Although Yemeni out-migration is predominantly male-dominated, the significant participation of female activists and refugees in peace processes and transnational networks has made them stand out. By drawing on thirty in-depth interviews and participant observation conducted with Yemeni female activists in the Netherlands and Germany between 2021 and 2023, this research study illuminates their contributions through advocacy, lobbying, and direct participation as mediators and stakeholders in peace processes. It examines how post-revolutionary violence and the ongoing war, along with the experience of living in the diaspora, have affected and reshaped their political participation. And how women activists in exile have engaged with and influenced political and peace processes both within Yemen and in their host countries. Additionally, the study explores the emergence and resilience of feminist transnational networks, analyzing how women in Yemeni conflict-induced diasporas seize opportunities and navigate the constraints of mobilization for peace, transitional justice, and post-conflict reconstruction. In my presentation, I argue that, regardless of the reasons behind Yemeni migration, the current conflict has significantly shaped their transnational identity and fostered new ideas and pathways for conflict mediation, advocacy, and the democratization of peacebuilding. Female activists in the diaspora maintain strong ties to Yemen and establish robust connections between their homeland and host countries, building bridges and expanding transnational networks in support of Yemen-related causes. The study demonstrates how their involvement in peace processes enhances public representation and brings gender-sensitive expertise to the negotiation table, thereby improving the legitimacy of agreements and enhancing the prospects for a more inclusive and equitable culture of peace in Yemen and beyond. Focusing on the experiences of Yemeni women in exile, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of Yemeni global mobility and its implications for peacebuilding and political processes. The findings underscore the critical importance of integrating gender perspectives into discussions on migration, conflict, and peace, and call for further research into the unique experiences and contributions of Yemeni women in global diasporas.

In my presentation I would like to share my experiences doing research with and about Muwalladeen in and outside of Yemen. Muwalladeen are Yemenis of mixed descent. The term is often used in a derogatory way, and Muwalladeen have been the target of discriminatory practices for decades. They were, and still are, often denied citizenship rights, discriminated against in the labor market, socially stigmatized and sometimes lack access to education. Muwalladeen often deny their non-Yemeni roots in order to avoid stigmatization and exclusion. This is particularly so for those whose families have links with Africa; Muwalladeen of mixed Yemeni-African descent are more racialized than Muwalladeen of other backgrounds, such as those whose families have historical links with Asia or Europe. In 2021 I was involved in a qualitative research about the impact of the war on Muwalladeen in Yemen. Data collection for this research was done by a team of Yemeni researchers residing in Yemen. One of the outcomes of the research was that discrimination on the basis of race and gender is highly prevalent in Yemen. The daily lives of the Yemeni population are affected on many different levels, yet those who are considered second class citizens based on the intersection of their gender, race, lineage, and skin color, are suffering more than others. However, it was difficult to collect in-depth qualitative data because of the security situation in the country, which affected the mobility of the interviewers, but also because interviewees did not want to share their experiences of marginalization and discrimination freely. As quite a number of Muwalladeen have left Yemen, and are residing in neighbouring countries but also in Europe and the United States, I decided to carry out a number of in-depth interviews with Muwalladeen outside of Yemen. How do they perceive the impact of the war on their Muwallad identities? And how do they use their diaspora position to fight for social justice and racial equality?

The most recent wave of Yemeni migration is mostly south to south- with people traveling to neighboring countries in the region and places of Yemeni historical diasporas- but there are also growing numbers of Yemeni refugees across the EU. Although Yemenis who manage to apply for asylum tend to be granted international protection, they do not necessarily have the right to enter Europe and make a claim. Not only are Yemenis typically ineligible for the UNHCR resettlement programs, but also the EU visa regime serves as an extraterritorial border control, and is particularly restrictive for nationals of refugee-sending countries, preventing people from arriving and asking for asylum. My presentation draws on several years of multi-sited fieldwork with Yemeni refugees to center multitudes of knowledge and practices through which Yemenis enact the freedom of movement otherwise denied to them, and seize their right to refuge. In particular, I build on the work of Édouard Glissant and others, and propose opacity as a lens to examine the varied strategies and skills, through which Yemenis refuse the requirements of transparency and knowability imposed by the border regime. In a world of unequal passports, this may mean traversing borders invisible and undetected, but also participating in and subverting systems of control and surveillance, such as Schengen visas system or airport security. I also ask what recognizing migrants’ “right to opacity” means in terms of my research practice and ethics, and address some of the methodological challenges of work with Yemenis on the move.

The displacement of Yemenis since the 2014/2015 war onto Muslim and non-Muslim lands raised questions of inhospitality, the psychic affects of war, and the resulting fractured social relations. My work with Yemeni interlocutors in Jordan and Saudi Arabia explores what drives Yemeni mobility and stasis given their orientation toward securing their ‘afiya. The focus on 'afiya and the role of the soul as the engine for desire and the drive unfolds the psycho-spiritual dimensions of mobility. As an organizing principle, ‘afiya stresses the psychic component of holistic wellbeing. As Yemenis find themselves abject in both Muslim and non-Muslim lands they wonder if returning home to face aerial bombings is better for their self/soul than their inability to be hosted by others abroad.

In conversation with the roundtable entitled, “Possibilities and Limits of Researching Yemeni Global Mobility,” this scholarly contribution expands on research pertaining to the Ethio-Yemeni migrant and refugee community of Addis Ababa by engaging the Yemeni diaspora in the United States. Yemen’s unique migration and citizenship policies have played a significant role in maintaining and expanding family ties in the Red Sea region: the absence of the kafala visa system, matrilineal citizenship inheritance, and the welcoming of refugees from neighboring Red Sea countries all fostered relationships and statuses that facilitated Yemenis’ regional migration experiences and diasporic identities throughout the last decade of war. At the same time, the Trump-era Muslim ban barred many Yemeni nationals who would have otherwise likely obtained resettlement through family reunification, thus leading them to spend years in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somaliland. This contribution discusses how the collision of Yemeni and American migration regimes expanded preexisting Yemeni American ties to the Horn of Africa while creating new relationships and ties, and raises questions about researching compounding and interrelated transnational and hybrid identities throughout one larger and interconnected diaspora.