Revolutionary Arabic songs, particularly surrounding the eruption of the uprisings in 2010/11, or what is called “Arab Spring,” have been an increasingly strategic means of cultural resistance. Ultimately, they mobilized Arab audiences to unify and oppose the repression and tyranny which characterized the ruling governments of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria etc. This study examines the forms and understanding of resistance in the Syrian uprising setting by analyzing Ibrahim Qashoush’s popular songs that he performed at the advent of the ongoing Syrian revolution in 2011. The study uses two theoretical concepts that cultural studies helped to introduce to the study of popular culture: “articulation” and “affect” (Rodman, 2015) in the analysis of Qashoush’s songs. I argue that the music of Qashoush is a cultural genre that ‘articulates’ the mood of the Syrians under the regime that helped forge the Syrian national identity in opposition to the Syrian regime. The songs were retrieved from YouTube and were mostly filmed live when the protests were going on. Some of the videos included images of the protesters demonstrating in yards and marching in the streets while Qashoush was singing. These were posted on Facebook, Twitter and other social media websites. Qashoush wrote the lyrics of his protest songs in the Syrian dialect, and they are similar to old Syrian wedding and celebration melodies. These old wedding melodies are called “arada.” Qashoush uses “arada” because the protestors are familiar with it, which allows them to memorize and remember his pop songs. The findings indicate that Qashoush’s songs used revolutionary musical texts as an inspiration and a vehicle to 'articulate' political messages that advance the power of the Syrians by giving them hope and optimism in their collective struggle, and critiquing and ridiculing the regime. The songs and lyrics try to whip up patriotic feelings and move the protestors to defend their country. They also provide cultural raw material, which enable the Syrians to create personal and collective identities, and to counter the dictatorship. They raise awareness, educate, and enlighten Syrians about political and social issues as well as the corruption inside their own country. Works Cited: Rodman, Gilbert. B. (2015). “Waiting for the Great Leap Forwards: Mixing Pop, Politics, and Cultural Studies.” The SAGE Handbook of Popular Music. Eds. Andy Bennett and Steve Waksman. SAGE Publications. 2015. 48-63. Print.

On July 21st 1969 five thousand people gathered in Algiers to celebrate the First Panafrican Festival (PANAF)—a cultural gala and political caucus. At symposiums, in concert halls and in art galleries the Black Panthers mingled with Tunisian musicians, Algerian activists and Senegalese filmmakers. Not only were representatives from forty African countries present, radicals from around the world flocked to Algiers to support the country’s fight against imperialism. In previous articles I have demonstrated how crucial this festival was in re-centering the conversation about political and cultural panafricanism on the continent, and in defying the colonial division of Northern and Sub-Saharan Africa. Not all in Algiers were enthusiastic supporters of the Algerian government’s bid for African leadership however. To Algerian writer and theater director Hocine Tandjaoui, just 19 in 1969, the PANAF was a masterfully conducted public relations move, smoke and mirrors that left only faint traces. He and his theater friends were in open rebellion against the Algerian government, as such they were not invited to participate in any of the official events. This piece is about what I call the Alt-PANAF, the group of radicals who participated in giving the festival its panafrican character from the margins. These young actors, revolutionaries and writers did not meet on the rue Didouche Mourad or in the Palais des Nations. Instead they gathered in Algerian poet Jean Sénac’s stuffy basement apartment where they received Moroccan poets and editors of the revolutionary poetry journal Souffles, Haitian poet René Depestre, Congolese writer Henri Lopès, and many more. Raised to the beat of Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, they were not enticed by the nationalistic promises of the ruling elite. Through personal interviews, critical reading of these writers’ fiction, and the material I have gathered in Jean Sénac’s archives in Algiers, I showcase the encounters that, though they did not occur in the spotlight, were just as crucial in building a community of radical artists committed to the project of African cultural unity. In this piece I tell the story of a handful of radicals from across the world who were looking to build a panafrican network that ran deeper than the ceremonious speeches their presidents and state-sponsored artists so often delivered.

Jihadists have their nasheeds, and the Islamic State (IS) became popular for its nasheed compositions used in propaganda videos. Nasheed is an a cappella song praising the Prophet Muhammad and reciting Quranic verses glorifying jihad. Similarly, drug cartels have bands that compose and sing Narco Corridos, or “drug ballads,” based on Mexican folk-music, which glorify cartel leaders as modern day “Robin Hood” figures, and announce executions of enemies. Both nasheeds and narco corridos have much in common: glorifying historical victories over enemies in wars and revolutions; using lyrics to warn their enemies about their invincibility and strength and bravery; calling out specific enemies as targets; and using their respective ideologies to justify their acts, behavior, and beliefs. This study examines and comparatively analyzes the two musical genres in the context of terrorism and narco-terrorism, and how they affect their respective followers, admirers, and devotees. The analysis also highlights how these musical genres popularize crime and violence, and de-sensitize audiences to the extreme brutality that they praise and glorify in their songs. There are some contextual distinctions that separate the two genres as well, and they entail part of the comparative analysis. The use of social media in both contexts is an essential tool to popularize nasheeds and narco corridos; they use YouTube videos, Twitter and Facebook, and other Internet resources to spread their music and messages. How have governments responded to these social and religious musical media? What are the implications of these for counter-terrorism and counter-narcotics strategies? These are some of the questions that this study addresses.