“May God be pleased with all the Companions of His Prophet”: Sunni Patronage of Shi’i Shrines in Medieval Aleppo In 592/1196, the Sunni ruler of Aleppo, al-Malik al-Zahir, decided to invest in the renovation of a magnificent shrine to the Shi’i martyr al-Husayn. Aleppo had a strong Shi’i community in the medieval period, and the inhabitants of the city had been the first to construct a modest shrine on the site. Under al-Zahir, however, this Shi’i shrine would become one of the most outstanding works of Sunni Ayyubid architecture in Syria. This inter-confessional act of patronage seems remarkable: for it occurred during the “Sunni revival,” an era conventionally portrayed by the medieval sources and by secondary scholarship as a time of intense Sunni hostility toward Shi’ism. However, the architecture of such sites tells another story, for it reveals that behind the political rhetoric of Sunni ascendance, an ongoing and complex inter-confessional negotiation often took place. In fact, al-Zahir was only one of numerous Sunni sovereigns who actively invested in shrines to the ahl al-bayt (family of the prophet) and other ‘Alid places of pilgrimage. The Sunni Abbasid caliph himself renovated numerous ‘Alid shrines, including one for the twelfth Imam. Thus, throughout the medieval period, there was a consistent habit of Sunni intervention in sites of Shi’i devotion. Though visited by Sunnis, these sites were foundational loci of Shi’i popular practice and were especially beloved by Shi’i communities. The architecture and iconography of two Aleppan shrines – the shrine to al-Husayn, and the Mashhad al-Dikka, devoted to a stillborn son of ‘Ali – suggest that this intervention was a conscious act of conciliation by al-Zahir. This act simultaneously demonstrated his tolerance toward Twelver Shi’ism while reinforcing a claim to the family of the Prophet as legitimate objects of Sunni devotion. Augmenting the architectural evidence, the medieval sources suggest that such projects were part of a broader attempt at a kind of “Sunni ecumenism” advocated by the Sultan al-Zahir and his contemporary the Caliph al-Nasir. This ecumenism fostered a measured rapprochement between Sunni and Shi’i communities by emphasizing their common veneration of the ahl al-bayt. Such architectural projects functioned both to placate sometimes-restive Shi’i communities, while simultaneously directing and influencing the practice of popular religion among both Sunnis and Shi’is. Their architecture reveals the nuanced complexity of a period often portrayed in starkly sectarian terms.

Based on close readings of three Persian-language pilgrimage narratives by Shi’i pilgrims to the shrine of Ali ibn Abi Talib in Najaf, this paper argues that pre-modern pilgrimage narratives were not primarily journals of spiritual awakening. Whereas modern pilgrimage stories often consist of an intimate look at the spiritual transformation of the author, in pre-modern pilgrimage writings, pilgrims narrated their journeys in a more stylistic and formal manner, adhering to the norms of the literary genre. These narratives offer a multivalent and nuanced perspective on pilgrims’ perception and experience of the sacred space of Ali’s shrine and the city of Najaf. It is often the impressive material aspects of the shrine coupled with the presence of `Ali’s body that captured the pilgrims’ literary imagination. I survey three narratives by pilgrims–Mirza Abu Taleb? (d. 1806), Abd al-Ali Khan Adib al-Molk (d. 1885), and the king of Iran, Nasir al-Din Shah (d. 1896)–who traveled to Najaf and analyze their narratives, which offer insight into their perception of the sacred space of the shrine and the pilgrimage experience. I consider the encounters of pilgrims and travelers with the material culture of the shrine of `Ali by taking into account their impressions of its architectural and artistic characteristics and the impact of the material culture of the shrine upon the experience of the visitors. In the pilgrimage narratives, all three of the pilgrims meticulously list the opulent decorations and furnishings in the shrine and describe in detail the gilded minarets and dome. The presence of charisma and power of `Ali can be communicated through the opulent beauty of the shrine. While `Ali may have preferred a simple, aesthetic life, his followers sought to express their devotion and piety through their material signifiers. Modern-day custodians of the shrine argue that despite `Ali’s preference for poverty, devotees of `Ali feel that by spending exorbitant sums on renovating and beautifying the shrine, they are able to materialize the charisma and power of `Ali and to show their love for him. The narratives reflect how pilgrims would have viewed the sacred nature of the shrine. For pilgrims, the shrine was part of a larger sacred Islamic landscape that expanded to include Karbala, the other shrines of the Imams, Medina, Mecca, and Jerusalem.

Before the current Syrian Uprising, the Syrian shrine of Sayyida Zaynab just South of Damascus was a popular destination for Muslims – especially Twelver Shi‘is - from all over the Middle East and South Asia. Located at the center of large markets where devotees could buy religious goods such as books and prayer beads, as well as to clothing and jewelry, the shrine attracted shoppers and pilgrims of all ages. According to Paulo Pinto (2007), pious consumption in Sayyida Zaynab helped create a feeling of communitas (cf. Victor Turner 1969). While communitas was an important aspect of pious consumerism in the shrine-town of Sayyida Zaynab, this paper argues that a closer look at the shrine and its visitors, as well as the inhabitants of the shrine-town, reveals schisms that cannot easily be subsumed under Turner’s notion. First, Twelver Shi‘i communitas was interrupted by the fact that non-Shi‘is participated in buying and selling Shi‘i religious materials. Secondly, there was an importance difference between the economic activities inside and outside of the shrine. Inside the shrine, gifting took precedence, while outside of the shrine consumerism took precedence. These practices differed not only in their intent, but also in their effects. In short, by complicating various pious ‘economic’ activities in and around the shrine, this paper not only speaks back to Pinto, but also contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which space and consumerism influence religious practices.

Among numerous religious sites in Iran, Masjid Jamkaran (Jamkaran Mosque) has gained fame and reputation as a holy site where individuals can write letters (Arizeh Nevisi) to Imam Zaman in hopes that their wishes come true. Such letters may contain pleadings and/or petitionings for an outcome with or without votive offerings. The focus of this paper is threefold, beginning with a brief discussion of Iranian governmental political policy promoting to the masses the belief in the power of miracles. These miracles are bestowed by the Ahl al Bayet (members of the house of the Prophet Muhammad) with Imam Zaman as the last of the Twelver or Twelve Imami of Shi’i Islam. It is noted that women tend to believe in such supernatural ideas and practices than men. Second, the paper discusses the physical site and location of this mosque, its renovation and expansion, and the location of water wells where Imam Zaman receives the votive letters. This section directly links the governmental political force to the ambitious building project, not only in its basic promotional concept, but also in its enormous size. This architectural project is in line with the popularity of religious tourism and economic benefit to the state. Third, the author analyses the contents of two short letters before they were deposited in the Jamkaran well. In addition to the letters, also analyzed are a host of other pleading/petition messages and votive promises addressed to Al Mahdi on the walls near the water well. Votive messages sent to the Jamkaran official website provide another source for this project.