Early research on Ismaili Shii works among the vast corpus of medieval Islamic knowledge production yielded important bibliographies by Wladimir Ivanow and Ismail Poonawala. These bibliographies demonstrated the central role played by Ismaili Shiis during the 9-12th centuries in contributing to the efflorescence of Islam. The bibliographies also indicate the degree to which Ismaili Shii works formed part of the knowledge consumed by non-Ismaili Muslims during this period. A case in point would be the wide circulation of the Rasa’il Ikhwan al-Safa among various groups within and beyond Muslim communities and schools of thought, over a wide geographic range. What has been less examined however, are the private collections of Ismaili Shiis. Leaving aside the official libraries of rulers such as the Fatimids (although even here, as Paul Walker has demonstrated in his research on Fatimid-era learning, we can only speculate the range of the dynasts’ collection), there were the private collections of individual Ismaili scholars and intellectuals. Drawing on the work of Nelly Hanna, who examined such collections in the much later period of late medieval Ottoman Egypt in an effort to investigate the interests of wealthier individuals of that time and place, this paper will review catalogues of two private collections now housed at the Institute of Ismaili Studies in London, namely the Hamdani and Zahid Ali collections (whose provenance reaches back into the late Fatimid period), in an effort to understand what they reflect of the interests of Ismaili scholars. The paper will ask if these collections were limited to confessional or doctrinal texts. If not, what role did non-Ismaili works in these collections play in the outlook and identities of these scholars? Did they intersect with the concerns and identities of non-Ismailis of the same time period? And what can we say about the transmission of knowledge in the informal and private efforts and activities of such scholars. In so doing, this paper suggests a fuller and more nuanced understanding of the social and cultural capital these collections bestowed on their owners and a better understanding of their role in the larger Muslim intellectual community.

The salient role of some notable Arab Ismailis in promoting the Fatimid mission and state in North Africa has received scholarly attention. Among these figures are the Fatimid scholar and chief justice q??? Ab? ?an?fa al-Nu?m?n [d. 363/974], Fatimid governors such as al-?asan b. ?Al? al-Kalb? [d. 356/956], and Ja?far b. ?amd?n [d. 370/980], and the Fatimid court poet Ibn H?ni? al-Andalus? [d. c. 362/973]. Nonetheless, studies on the role of Arab Ismailis as a broader collective in the Fatimid realms remain scant. Building on earlier studies on Fatimid state-society relations, this paper explores Arab Ismailis as a distinct social group who performed vital functions in the genesis and consolidation of Fatimid rule in North Africa, and in the broader struggle of legitimisation between Fatimid and Umayyad rule. Through a study of key figures as well as three principal Arab Ismaili clans of the early Fatimid period– the Ban? Ab? Khinz?r, the Ban? ?amd?n, and the Ban? Abi?l-?usayn al-Kalb?, the paper situates Arab Ismailis as key facilitators of Fatimid governance, and as mediators of Fatimid legitimisation, in the formative decades of the Fatimid Caliphate. This role of the Arab Ismailis was especially important in areas of rival political and religious loyalties, namely in Arab urban centres including Qayraw?n and Palermo, as well as in the frontier regions of the Fatimid empire. The paper also maintains that the importance of Arab Ismailis in performing such roles rendered them subject to the protracted struggle between the Fatimids and the Umayyads, in which they became targets of polemic, subterfuge and alliance. The paper begins by contextualising the notion of ‘Arabness’ as a medium of legitimisation in Fatimid North Africa, and as a node of rivalry between the Fatimids and the Umayyads. The social and political cache of Arab identity is subsequently situated as the charismatic feature upon which the careers of the key Arab Ismailis of the early Fatimid era were predicated. The role of Arab Ismailis examined in this paper, demonstrates that Fatimid state formation extended beyond ethnic and religious rivalries, drawing upon the spectrum of the Ifr?qiyan populace. Notably, this notion appears to have infused the da?wa that led to the promulgation of the Fatimid Imamate.

Despite growing evidence for the range of Ismaili esoteric interpretations of scripture and legal pronouncements, and of a variety of sciences, scholarly exploration has not, so far, provided any clear account of this doctrine. Yet, from its beginning as a separate form of Shiism, nearly all observers were aware that the ??hir/b??in distinction advocated by the da’wa implied some type of esoteric knowledge. Access, however, was closely guarded. Outsiders have known little until the last few decades when a flood of previously hidden texts have begun to appear. Nevertheless, enemies knew enough that a common pejorative name for the Ismailis was B??in?s “Esoterists” (i.e. the B??iniyya), a term based frequently on scurrilous distortions of the truth. This situation begun to change. Panels at Shi’i studies conferences have considered aspects of the subject. One important book explores carefully the social significance of the Ismaili use of ta’w?l in an early context. Papers by Poonawala and others have helped elucidate important aspects. But, in one sense these efforts, as valuable as they have proven to be, have only opened a window onto how vast and varied this doctrine was. We can begin to see a rich array of types, of ways to perform ta’w?l, by whom, and under what control. But once permitted access what kind of knowledge results? Is it truly esoteric, i.e. unconnected to the outward ??hir? text by some form of logic (e.g. a metaphoric extension of meaning)? Or is the newly revealed truth gained by a rite of initiation that leads to something that transcends what might be ordinarily understood, or even to a different and new form of knowledge altogether? What is needed now is a guide into this material with set of waymarkers showing what leads where, and when are we dealing with a religious phenomenon non-initiates might comprehend, or conversely, is it an impenetrable mystery from which we are excluded. Or is it both depending on circumstances, opportunities and conditions. We know already enough to claim there is no single or simple answer. The process was ongoing and it varied considerably; the application of ta’w?l served a range of functions: instrument of social cohesion, test of loyalty proven by willingness to contribute funds, an understanding of religious matters at a superior level, membership in an intellectual elite. The present paper provides just such a guide through a comprehensive survey of the many dimensions of this subject.

Scholars in the field of Fatimid and Ismaili studies have traditionally approached ?ayyib? anthologies as a depository of Ismaili literature. By focusing on individual texts instead of the compilation as a whole, they overlooked the authorship of the compiler, the intended readership, and the historical context in which the anthologies were produced. In this essay, I examine ?ayyib? anthologies as educational tools meant to guide the neophytes through a long and gradual path to acquire the knowledge of the outer and inner meaning (??hir and b??in) of the faith. The selection of texts included in the anthologies reflects the compilers’ conception of a curriculum for beginner students. Additionally, ?ayyib? anthologies provide an alternative to the conventional course of study that covers ??hir? literature, at first, and slowly progresses to b??in? texts on ta?w?l and ?aq??iq (eternal b??in? truths) that correspond to the initiate’s degree of knowledge. I will focus on four types of anthologies covering the period from the inception of the da?wa in the 12th century in Yemen to 20th century India. Interestingly, not only do the anthologies inform our understanding of the transmission of knowledge within the community in Yemen and India, they also mirror the political and intellectual developments that continuously challenge the da?wa and shape its course. The two-volume Majm?? al-tarbiya by Mu?ammad b. ??hir al-??rith? (d. 585/1188) is the product of the early formative period when the new ?ayyib? da?wa was setting the doctrinal and intellectual foundations of the faith. The growth of the da?wa and the increased involvement of its Indian followers is reflected in the seven-volume anthology, Kit?b al-azh?r wa-majma? al-anw?r by the Indian merchant and scholar, ?asan b. N?? al-Bh?r?ch? (d. 939/1533). Later in India, the rise of a decentralized class of scholars, who defended the office of the d??? during periods of internal dissent, is reflected in the production of numerous majm??as devoted to specific fields of study that were used in private learning circles. Finally, the consolidation of power in the office of the d??? and the centralization of the educational system under the 51st d??? ??hir Sayf al-D?n (d. 1965) is apparent in his 47-volume al-Ras??il al-Ramadaniyya, which became the main source of religious knowledge for the present-day ?ayyib? Bohra community.

The aim of this paper is to explore the nature of the intellectual encounters that Twelver Shi‘i scholars from across the Muslim world enjoyed when meeting their Shi‘i and Ismaili counterparts while in Fatimid Egypt (969-1171). I will, in particular, consider the experience of the Twelver Shi‘i scholar Muhammad b. 'Ali al-Karajaki (d. 1057) who, originally from Tarabulus, visited Egypt on a number of occasions, mostly during the reign of the Fatimid imam-caliph al-Zahir (d.1036). In his numerous works al-Karajaki entered autobiographical comments that shed light on his personal experiences of interacting with other Shi‘i and Ismaili scholars in Cairo and other places as well as providing us with a very rare eye witness account of the Fatimid institutions of learning he visited and used while there. From his works we also learn about al-Karajaki’s own understanding of Fatimid political and administrative life based on what he experienced. Al-Karajaki comes across as genuinely interested in learning about Ismaili doctrines and law for the sake of adding to his personal knowledge and scholarship. The picture that we can draw from information gathered from his work is that al-Zahir’s Egypt was the centre of a much more lively, diverse and cosmopolitan intellectual life than otherwise thought. Building on recent studies that have debunked the notion of fixed sectarian boundaries - in pre-modern Islam - dividing scholars belonging different strands of Islam, in this paper I seek to demonstrate the fluidity of interchange that existed among people who appear to have privileged knowledge and reputation over denominational concerns. My arguments is that this flourishing of activities at this particular time in Egypt was the result of a deliberate policy aimed at intellectual revival pursued by al-Zahir. To date the contribution of al-Karajaki’s work to the study of the Ismaili and Shi‘i intellectual traditions in Egypt has been largely ignored. With this paper I attempt to fill this lacuna while contributing –through al-Karajaki’s voice – new material to the study of Ismaili learning.