Islamism thrived around the world following the crisis of developmentalism in the 1970s. Particularly in Turkey, Islamists challenged the political establishment only after they allied with small industrialists who played a pivotal role in the country’s increasing global economic connectivity in the 1980s. The political strength of this alliance derives from its capacity to deter its challengers from contacting the electorate in working-class communities. In this presentation, I argue that this coercive strategy frames both the authoritarian character of Islamism and the political economic reflexes of Islamists in power. Thus, the secular-Islamist cleavage is only one overstated factor to explain the sea change in Turkish politics since the 1980s. Keywords: Islamism, developmentalism, modernism, industrial relations, globalization, center-periphery, gender relations, urban sociology, religious movements

In the last two decades Turkey witnessed the emergence of Islamic humanitarian NGOs as a result of the changes in the legal framework, tax-exemptions and willingness of the JDP government to support the humanitarian activities in the Middle East and Africa. The explicit support provided by the government in the form of tax-exemptions, donations in kind and cash, and joint-projects with these NGOs, served the purpose of the government in creating and bolstering a broader Islamic identity that emphasized the unity of the Islamic ummah and portraying Turkey as its leader thanks to its contributions to the well-being of fellow Muslims abroad. The work of these NGOs should be elaborated in a way that encompasses the activities of the TIKA (the Turkish Cooperation and Development Agency) and the Diyanet (the Board of Religious Affairs) abroad, public organizations that witnessed a huge increase in their budgets in the last decade. The aim of this paper is to show the ideational and foreign-policy related aspects of Turkey’s humanitarian efforts abroad and to illuminate the political and ideological similarities between these NGOs and the JDP government which explains their favored treatment. Keywords: NGOs, governments, humanitarian aid, Middle East, Africa

Karakol was established in October 1918. It emerged as a secret security and resistance group among the members of the dissolved Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) and eventually turned into a secret organization that supported the War of Independence that started in Anatolia after a while. Karakol carried out its activities in secrecy and meticulousness. Its branches performed independently and were organized according to the seven-person cell system. The cadres of the troops in Anatolia and around Istanbul have been replenished, neighborhood organizations have been built in the occupied areas, civilian gangs have been set up to protect the Turkish element and to communicate with Anatolia, a smuggling division was established for the passage of weapons in Istanbul and an intelligence division was established to learn the decisions of occupying powers and share this information with the center of resistance in Anatolia. Karakol played an important role in the appointment of Mustafa Kemal as the Inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize the remaining Ottoman military units and to improve security in Anatolia. There were ongoing concerns about former CUP members in Istanbul, however, Karakol and their connections helped Mustafa Kemal to have a secure assignment without the interference of occupying powers. The bureaucratic-military connections and network of CUP were used by Karakol to organize the national resistance, smuggle arms, and gather information against the occupying forces and collaborators (e.g. Istanbul government, Anglophile Society, etc.). This has been a crucial point for the success of Mustafa Kemal and the national resistance movement and the establishment of the modern Turkish Republic afterward.