Tribalism is an important component of the culture and politics of Yemen. As a result of recent events that have taken place in the country and the whole region, tribalism has earned a poor reputation as reflected in the hostile perception prevalent in the mass media and scholarly writings produced inside and outside Yemen. Much of the misunderstanding we have about the tribes and their roles in Yemeni life and politics is due to insufficient awareness of the practices and values upheld by Yemeni tribes themselves. A close examination of the poetry written by tribesmen and tribeswomen can guide us to a clearer perception and appreciation of the concept itself and its values as seen from within. One reason why the concept of tribalism has been misunderstood, and oftentimes deliberately misconstrued, is that most of the judgments made come from outside the tribes, and from those who have little understanding of its customs and practices. Tribesmen and tribeswomen do not often speak about themselves, nor do they have the means to disseminate their ideas to others who hold different values and perspectives. There has been a terrible lack of communication between Yemeni tribes and the outside world, hence the massive misunderstanding and misrepresentation taking place until now. Tribal poetry has its origins and principles in ancient Arabic history and culture. Until today poetry has been the main channel through which the tribe can express itself and its views towards social life and politics. Examining the poetry written over the last three decades can help us explain tribal customs and practices as well as further our understanding of the ways tribes perceive their relationships with other tribes and the world beyond. In this paper I propose to show that poetry can present a positive prism through which tribalism can be perceived and evaluated.

During the past three years, Yemen has witnessed a number of political and social transformations, foremost among which was the ousting of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, from power. Although he was the main patron of tribal elites, no significant change in tribal participation has occurred. Many tribal leaders still receive financial allocations from the Presidential Office. Appointments to senior positions remain based on tribal status and tribal equilibrium, and many tribal elders retain direct and indirect influence on decision-making processes. Tribal leaders are concerned with the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference and its proposed changes: from a unitary to a federal state, the shift from single winner to an electoral system based on proportional representation, and from a presidential to a parliamentary system of government. These transformations, that will lead to a reorganization of the rules and institutions that regulate the distribution of political power, threaten tribal leaders’ political strength. Growing opportunities available to political parties are likely to reduce these leaders’ chances of winning elections. Hence, some tribal leaders have embarked on the establishment of political parties, like the Justice and Construction Party, established by Sheikh Mohammed Ali Abu Lohoum, the National Solidarity Party, established by Sheikh Hussein al-Ahmar, and the Yemeni Union Rescue Party, established by Sheikh Arafj Hadhban. Moreover, the emergence of the Ansar Allah Movement (Houthis) as a new player on the social and political map of Yemen, and continuing conflicts between Sunnis and Shi’as may lead to changing boundaries and the dominance of sectarian identities at the expense of tribal identities (that is if they have not already done so). This factor is likely to lead to a decline of the social and political roles of tribal leaders in areas under their control. This paper analyzes the potential effects of social and political transformations currently taking place in Yemen and the political role of Yemeni tribes in general, and tribal leaders in particular. It deals with the defensive mechanisms that will be used by tribal leaders to resist these changes and reduce their declining political roles. It also discusses the results of these changes at the levels of the democratic transition in Yemen, the completion of state institutionalization, and government effectiveness and its ability to perform its functions.

In late January 2014, the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) in Yemen came to an end with the approval of the outcomes and recommendations document outlining the future of the country. According to the UN Special Envoy to Yemen, the NDC was a “historic moment” which “established a new social contract and opened a new page in the history of Yemen, breaking from the past and paving the way for democratic governance founded on the rule of the law, human rights and equal citizenship”. Among the participants in the NDC was a large number of tribal figures who were representing various political parties and independent factions. The NDC represents an effort to bring a consensus among opposing political and social factions on the future nature of the state-society, including the tribal system. The paper seeks to shed light on the tribe-state relationship through analysis of the engagement of the tribal figures in the NDC. It analyzes the nature of their participation with particular attention to their views and positions regarding the most controversial issues of the NDC: the nature of the state structure (centralized vs. decentralized; simple unified state vs. federal state system), the rule of law and human rights vs. the code of behavior among Yemeni tribes (‘urf qabali), transitional justice, and the democratic processes during the transition period. It explores whether the tribal figures exhibited a homogeneous position aimed at maintaining the relative autonomy of the tribal areas and resisting the efforts to expand state apparatus in these areas regardless of their political and social affiliation. The analysis draws on important documents presented by tribal participants to the NDC depicting their views on these and other major political issues. In so doing, I will test the validity of a Yemeni scholar’s claim that “every time an attempt was made to create a modern state with strong institutions the tribal institution managed to turn the tide to its favor”. The situation is intriguing from many perspectives. Will this lead to changes in the political future of the country because of democratic participation of tribal elements in the making of this future? Or is tribal participation a new form of tribalizing the democratic process of the country? This and many other related questions will be examined in my paper.

Much has been said about the tribes, their role in Yemeni politics and relationship with the state. The mainstream assumption is that tribes are resistant to democracy and government control and that they are one of the main reasons that prevented establishing rule of law in the country. Yet in 2011, youth and other citizens in tribal areas protested and established sit-ins to support the revolution. Young tribesmen have also joined hands with other youth in Change Square in Sanaa. In addition, tribes stepped in and established order in areas where the withdrawal of government forces caused instability and increasing crime, particularly on highways that link governorates. But as the political situation hit an impasse, and conflict pockets erupted in different parts of the country, various tribes participated in these conflicts putting into question their potential to engage in a peaceful transition. This paper will examine the role of tribes in Yemen’s transition process. It will look at their attitudes and engagement in the national dialogue process and beyond. More importantly it will discuss how tribal dynamics interplay with political processes and the ongoing conflict between political actors.