Over the past three years there has been an increasing amount of global resources and attention directed to alleviate the humanitarian situation facing Iraqi refugees and internally displaced persons; however, one of the most vulnerable groups, Palestinians, have received comparably less attention despite their acute protection needs. At the time of the 2003 U.S. led invasion, there were approximately 35,000 stateless Palestinian refugees living in Baghdad who have since been persecuted by militias, the Iraqi Ministry of Interior, the Iraqi police, and other armed groups. Unlike most Iraqis, thousands of Palestinians who have attempted to flee have been denied entry and asylum in neighboring countries. Some are trapped in precarious and dangerous border camps—including the no-man’s-land between the Iraqi and Syrian checkpoints—with no freedom of movement or access to livelihoods, completely dependent on food and water that is trucked in daily. UNHCR’s repeated appeals to the international community to immediately resettle the population have largely been ignored, especially by the traditional resettlement countries. While Palestinian refugees represent one of the most vulnerable populations, their protection has been mired in a variety of politics, all of which—for a variety of differt reasons—have hampered humanitarian and protection efforts. Using the case study of Palestinian refugees from Baghdad, this paper will put forward a series of recommendations for NGOs, policy makers, and activists about how best to address the particular historical and political situation of Palestinian refugees in the early twenty-first century so that Palestinians have greater access to the full civil and social rights they deserve.

The current conflict in Iraq represents a compelling example of a “man-made disaster.” This paper highlights the systemic health and social consequences of the US invasion of Iraq, illustrating how the current conflict represents a continuation of structural violence against Iraqis initiated in the 1990s via economic sanctions following the first “Gulf War.” The humanitarian crisis in Iraq must thus be understood as a long-term process, including the impact of the 1991 Gulf War and more than a decade of UN economic sanctions and a separate US trade embargo. These events had a cumulative negative impact on Iraqi society, effectively dismantling its public health system and undermining the welfare of most Iraqis. The 2003 U.S. invasion and ongoing occupation of Iraq have further destabilized Iraqi society and key public institutions. As a result the well-being of most Iraqis remains fragile. Yet while violence remains widespread in Iraq, it accounts for only one aspect of the nation’s public health crisis. The current conflict, fueled by US neo-liberal policies, has led to the “sectarianization” of public services, including health care, and a failure to prioritize inclusive social development. Preventable disease, child/infant mortality, and “excess” deaths have increased throughout Iraq. Malnutrition, lack of sanitation, clean water, and access to basic medical services contribute to these trends. Of particular concern is the long-term mental health impact of pervasive violence and instability, especially on Iraqi children, an issue that has been largely ignored in scholarship and media coverage of Iraq. Conflict in Iraq has also accelerated the dismantling of the medical system, as health care professionals have become the deliberate targets of insurgent groups as a “weapon of war.” With health providers increasingly at risk, Iraq has experienced a “brain drain” of the most qualified medical personnel, including the loss of educators training new health professionals. While overt violence subsided in 2008, the ramifications of massive human displacement, high rates of unemployment and underemployment, and the degradation of public health infrastructure will reverberate in Iraq for years to come. As the U.S. government reduces its formal presence in Iraq, international organizations and other countries must continue to help strengthen civil society in Iraq in an effort to promote social development. This paper is based on documentary research and interviews with more than 60 informants working in humanitarian and human rights NGOs and UN agencies.

More than four million Iraqis have been displaced, either internally as IDPs or externally as refugees. Most fled their communities since the US invasion in 2003. While the Iraqi and US governments, policy-makers in the region, and humanitarian actors assume that most will return to Iraq in the near future, displaced Iraqis themselves are much more cautious about prospects for going home. This paper analyzes the pressures for the return of Iraqis and assesses potential positive and negative consequences of large-scale return movements. Particular attention is devoted to the potential impact of returns on Iraqi identity, security, development and political life. The paper argues that the way in which returns are handled will affect not only individual Iraqis and the communities to which they return, but also the international humanitarian community. The stakes are particularly high for the United Nations which has an opportunity to restore its tarnished reputation in Iraq through a well-managed return program. The paper outlines various return scenarios and concludes with recommendations for policy-makers and humanitarian agencies. The paper is based on research carried out in the region as well as interviews with policy-makers in the United Nations, non-governmental organizations and the US government.

The paper presents a brief historical background to the management of Iraq’s economy prior to the invasion of 2003. It then analyses the reconstruction policy following the invasion and underlines the reasons for the failure of US economic policy in Iraq. The paper highlights the economic achievements in those six years and looks at the economic obstacles facing the country. Inter-related issues such as the brain drain and the pervasive corruption will be discussed. Both those issues affected the management of Iraq’s economy: the emigration of professionals has constrained the ability of the civil service to plan and execute the policies needed for the revival of the economy, while corruption meant the loss of significant assets and poor allocation of resources. The paper addresses the questions of whether Iraq’s economy can change from being dependent on oil revenues and how it would cope if oil prices were to stay low in the $40-50 range. The paper is based on published information, mostly from US and Iraqi sources and the numerous reports of US government and international organizations. Utilizing the published statistics and data, a picture is drawn of Iraq’s economy, and in certain instances, comparisons are made to other Arab countries or countries post-conflict.