The evolutionary development from saj‘ to rajaz to shi‘r posited by Goldziher and many others leaves us with the vexing problem of transitional forms. The dominance of synchronic generic analysis, and the extremely rigid constraints of classical Arabic shi‘r, tend to minimize the importance of other marked uses of language. For example, as noted by Devin Stewart, the medieval critics did not lavish the same care in developing an analytical toolkit for describing saj‘. This critical lacuna paralyzes us when we encounter forms of literature that fall outside of, or between, fixed categories. Within the strict confines of Khalilian literary assumptions, where shi‘r is shi‘r and other highly ordered uses of language are excluded, how would we account for different kinds of regularities within those very elements most characteristic of poetry, namely, meter and rhyme? ‘Ali’s use of syllabic meter and rhyme in his “Creation Khutbah” implicates an ideal of piety, and poses a challenge to our understanding of genre in early Arabic literature. To understand his use of syllabic meter and rhyme in his “Creation Khutbah” as merely “loose” or non-Khalilian is to miss the point. The flexibility is not simply a matter of “looseness”—a way of arbitrarily lessening the burden on the composer. Rather, a careful reading reveals that both the syllabic meter and the rhyme tightly track the khutbah’s pietistic meaning, providing a rhetorical shadow that breathes together with the text. Focusing on the dynamic interaction between regularity and violation in the syllabic meter and rhyme, the paper reveals ‘Ali’s pietistic motivations by examining how he indexes the cosmic drama of chaos and disobedience intervening in the divine order of creation. This semiotic cohesion is predicated on the skillful deployment of constraints characteristic of shi‘r, applied sensitively and to his rhetorical purpose.

Following the theme of early pietist literature in the Islamicate kingdoms this paper analyzes the theme of philosophy of governance as exemplified in one of the most prominent examples of early Islamic pietist literature: the Nahj al-Balaghah, a collation of lectures and epistles supposedly authored by the fourth Caliph ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib and collected by the tenth century CE scholar Sharif al-Razi. In particular this paper contributes to the extremely limited history of English-language scholarship of the highly-influential epistle within the Nahj al-Balaghah titled “The Letter to Malik al-Ashtar” in which the Caliph outlines a remarkably detailed and systematic philosophy of governance for his soon-to-be deputy in Egypt, Malik al-Ashtar. This paper makes the first attempt to extract from this epistle, not merely a theory of ethics, but rather a concrete theory of piety-based political philosophy and governance itself. The theories of governance espoused in this text are of unparalleled specificity in the annals of early Islamic history, yet, almost no English-language literature as of yet has moved beyond the subject of ethics to explore the actual themes of politics it reveals in ‘Ali’s thought. ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib’s unique theory of governance, which this paper gives the name of “Theological Populism”, relies on an entirely innovative marriage of Islamic theological premises with a form of non-demagogic populism to construct a religiously-binding and authorized approach of governance-for-the-people. As an authoritative model for Islamic and particularly Shia communities, the egalitarian and ethical nuances of ‘Ali’s philosophy holds tremendous value for Islamic nations of the 21st century seeking to define their own unique theories of government based not only on modern rational values but also the traditional Islamic sources of revelation. Fleshing out this remarkable theory in detail, this paper not only unveils the framework of this theory but uses the results of a new, in-depth study of the Letter to Malik al-Ashtar to offer strong new arguments for the epistles disputed authenticity.

The Islamic devotional tradition preserves a plethora of prayers (du?a) attributed to Ali, which appear both as short pieces interspersed within his sermons and as self-standing supplications. These prayers, while the subject of much Shi’ite commentary, are largely neglected within academic studies of Ali’s literary oeuvre. In this paper, I remedy this neglect by examining four “battle prayers” which are attributed to the Battle of Siffin (37 A.H./657 C.E.). These prayers feature in al-Sharif al-Radi’s (d. 406/1016) Nahj al-Balagha, Nasr b. Muzahim al-Minqari’s (d. 212/827) Waq‘at Siffin, and Ibn Tawus’ (d.673/1274-5) Muhaj al-da?awat, albeit with slight variation in content and context. Through a close reading of these four battle prayers, I explore their literary style, themes, and function within their historical and devotional contexts. While Ali’s prayers speak to the battle, they almost always extend beyond their particular circumstances, the battle context. As such, they subvert the category of “battle prayer.” Consciously transcending the battle setting, Ali’s prayers reinforce the broader and more fundamental context of humans’ relationship to God, especially qua Witness and Creator. Overall, these prayers connect the spiritual and the temporal through an all-encompassing conception of taqwa, or God-conscious piety. They appear as practical applications of the teachings in his sermons and orations. They are rooted in the Quran’s language and teachings, and often directly build on the Prophet’s traditions (hadith). In doing so, they invite the question of the relationship between du’a, the Quran, and hadith within the Islamic scriptural context. With this basic exposition of the Siff?n prayers, I discuss the multi-dimensionality of the du’a genre in the Islamic tradition, the fluidity of its boundaries, and its relevance to both literary and historical studies.

Abu ‘Abdallah ‘Uthman ibn Hunayf was a Companion of the Prophet who served as ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib’s governor in Basra for about five months until right before the Battle of the Camel (36/656). It is during this brief governorship that he allegedly received a lengthy and ornate letter from ‘Ali which is recorded by al-Sharif al-Radi (d. 406/1016) in his Nahj al-Balagha. In the letter, ‘Ali upbraids his governor for attending a fancy banquet. When the letter is considered in light of the historical and intertextual evidence, it appears that it is probably a later invention. It seems very unlikely that ‘Ali would have written such a long and magniloquent letter about such a trivial matter during the tumultuous beginning of his Caliphate. At that time, he most likely would have been preoccupied with countering the various challengers to his rule. Moreover, it seems that the letter is in dialogue with a tradition about Ibn Hunayf which was circulated in the Umayyad court. Both the Umayyad tradition and the Nahj al-Balagha letter address the meaning of the title “the Commander of the Faithful,” and its significance. But while the tradition portrays the Commander as an exalted figure completely removed from his people, the letter emphasizes his obligation to be a role model for them by conducting himself with great modesty and piety. Understanding the literary and historical context of the letter to Ibn Hunayf helps shed light on some of the aims of the Nahj al-Balagha and the manner in which it was compiled. While it may not contain any verifiable historical information about ?Al?, it offers a clear image of the legacy of his character, and the noble ideals which he inspired in the hearts and minds of his later admirers.

There are few early Islamic sources that can provide historians with any insights into the development of Kharijite political and religious ideology, especially in dialogue with other communities during the caliphate of Ali (35-40/656-661). Most narratives focus on two points with little connection between them: first, the Kharijite opposition to Ali’s rule because of the arbitration after the Battle of Siffin (37/657); and second, their defeat at the Battle of Nahrawan (38/659). However, the Nahj al-Balagha is an understudied resource when it comes to examining the Kharijite movement, its position, and its legitimacy vis-a-vis Ali’s responses in his orations and exhortations. In this paper, using theories of orality and early community development, I use the Nahj al-Balagha and other sources to trace a nuanced development of the Kharijites into a separate religious sect and political ideology. The Kharijite disagreement with Ali over Siffin is the start, not the end, of a politico-religious discourse; this discourse develops through Ali’s speeches to the Kufan community and his direct address of the Kharijites. By examining the speeches attributed to Ali before Nahrawan and re-situating them in a larger dialogue between Ali and dissidents in Kufa, integral parts of Kharijite development come to light. First, the development of their ideology takes place over time. It does not start at Siffin and end at Nahrawan, but rather, there is a constantly changing clash of religious and political reasoning. Second, the Kharijites are a community that develop within the bounds of Kufa, not without it—and thus, within the bounds of Ali’s rule, not without it. Their presence in Kufa means that Ali’s speeches to the Kufans are also directed to the Kharijites. Thus, and finally, it is possible to trace the development of early Kharijite thought through Ali’s responses and speeches to them and to the Kufan community in general; and it is impossible to realize early Kharijite development without examining their dialogue with Ali in Kufa.